MID-WEEK ESSAY:
How A Self-Succession Bid has Turned Nigeria into “Animal Farm”
By
Mobolaji Aluko, Ph.D.
[Burtonsville,
MD, USA
April
3, 2002
It
is “déjà vu” all over again!
If
you have read the George Orwell’s
book “Animal Farm”, then you
will understand why I have chosen it to
characterize the ongoing Ota Farm “Obasanjo Self-Succession” parade, which
bears all the hallmarks of late
unlamented Abacha’s “self-succession” parades to Aso Rock of
almost exactly four years to the day.
Under
Abacha, we had the following twenty-five groups “earnestly asking” him
to self-succeed:
Group Initials Full Name | (Leader) |
NMPC - National Mobilisation and Persuasion Committee | (Godwin Daboh), |
NMPS - National Movement for Peace and Stability | (?) |
YEAA - Youths Earnestly Ask for Abacha '98 |
(Daniel Kanu) |
UAN - United Action for Nigeria | (Godwin
Daboh/Dr. Asuquo) |
NEC - Northern Elders Committee | (Abdulrahman
Okene) |
GESAM - General Sani Abacha Movement for Unity and Stability | (?) |
GESAM '98 - General Sani Abacha Movement for Peaceful and Successful Transition Programme | (Chief Yomi Tokoya) |
ASOMO - Abacha Solidarity Movement | (Alhaji Chief, Dr, Abayomi Owulade), |
NACYAN - National Council for Youth Associations of Nigeria | (?), |
MIDIA - Movement for Indigenous Democracy | (Alh. Mohammed I. Hassan) |
RLC - Radio Listeners Club | (Alh. Shuaibu Zakari) |
NBYO - Nigeria-British Youth Orgnisation | (Mr. Segun Adeyemi) |
NYDD - Nigerian Youth Democratic Diplomats | (Abdulraheem Barry Etuke) |
NLGCCF - Nigeria Local Govts' Chairmen Consultative Forum | (Apostle S. B. Bello) |
NAMAP - National Movement for Abacha's Presidency – | (Chief Femi Aluko) |
MID - Movement for Independent Democracy | (Dr. Nya Asuquo) |
21st Generation Insist on Abacha | (Barrister
Ladi Alao) |
Vision '98 Abacha for President | (Chief
Sheudeen Adesina) |
The Abacha Committee of Friends | (Chief Nelson
Chudi) |
Youths for Consensus Abacha '98 | (Hassan Saleh Hassan) |
Agenda '98 | (Chief Sergeant Awuse) |
NANS for Abacha | (Oludare S. Ogunlana) |
All-Nigeria Youth for Abacha '98 | (Mallam M. Sani Akwashiki) |
Vision 2010 for Abacha | (?) |
On March 2 – 3 1998: | Million-Man-March
for Abacha |
Now,
so far, for Obasanjo’s self-succession, we
have “registered” the following
seven groups so far:
Group
Initials – Full Name |
(Leader) |
MONAC
- Movement for National Consensus and Accommodation |
(Arthur Nzeribe) |
VOA - Vote Obasanjo and Atiku 2003 | (Jasper Jumbo) |
OACMG - Obasanjo-Atiku Continuity Mandate Group, | (E.A. Adeoye) |
OASM - Obasanjo-Atiku Success Movement | (Hassan
Umoru) |
ISO
- Integrated Supporters for Obasanjo |
(?) |
YAO - Youth Alliance for Obasanjo | (Sasanya
Gbolahan) |
OAPDP - Obasanjo-Atiku Peoples Democratic Projects | (Catherine
Acholonu) |
C2003 - Coalition 2003 | (Funmi
Omosule) |
and
the following pilgrimages to Aso
Rock and Ota Farm asking Obasanjo to “Run, OBJ, Run!”:
Group Initials | (Leader) | |
Tuesday, June 5, 2001 – YAO | (Sasanya Gbolahan) | Aso Rock |
Monday, January 21, 2002 - PDP Women’s Wing | (Mrs. Josephine Anenih) | Aso Rock |
Sunday, March 24, 2002 - South-South PDP Leaders and Governors | (Chief Tony Anenih) |
Aso Rock |
Thursday, March 28th,, 2002 - North Central party faithfuls | (Chief Solomon Lar) | Aso Rock |
Monday, April 1, 2002 – PDP SouthWest and YCE | (Archdeacon Alayande; Rtd. Commodore Olabode George) | Ota Farm |
Tuesday, April 2, 2002 – Senior government ministers and PDP Governors | (Tony Anenih, Solomon Lar, etc.) | Ota Farm |
Thus
in sheer numbers, Abacha is still ahead!
More
seriously, I can almost swear that President Obasanjo, being in Abacha’s
prison at the time, was not
aware of all that went on under Abacha over his self-succession plans, otherwise
how would he (Obasanjo) be allowing
this charade to go on in Ota Farm, thereby making the
comparison with Abacha’s self-succession bid so glaring?
Will nomination not be through the normal party mechanism –
declaration, caucus meetings, nomination, intra-party contest, declaration of
party flag bearer, general election contest with opposing candidates, etc.?
So
why the public spectacle, the charade? What
the heck is this? What kind of civilian democracy is this?
If
President Obasanjo does know how ridiculous all this public campaign for
self-succession, then I fear for him: somebody
better call President Obasanjo aside and tell him about the “body movements”
of Abacha before June 8, 1998.
Please
read the following archives on – and enjoy!
Bolaji
Aluko
Shaking
and scratching his head
At
the Ongoing Aso Rock/Ota charade.
I
just don’t feel fine.
Obasanjo’s
self-succession drive
Re-Election
Fever: Nigerians on the Tenterhooks
PostExpress
07/14/2001
http://www.vanguardngr.com/news/articles/2001/July/20072001/pl1200701.htm
DESTINATION
2003: Obasanjo: A president and a second
term
Vanguard
20th July, 2001
http://allafrica.com/stories/200201220351.html
Obasanjo's
Re-Election Campaigns
Newswatch
(Lagos) January 21, 2002
http://allafrica.com/stories/200204010525.html
One
Million-Man March for Obasanjo
Daily
Trust
(Abuja) OPINION April 1, 2002
http://www.thisdayonline.com/news/20020402news01.html
As
Yoruba Leaders Converge on Ota...
2003: I'll Take a Stand in Two Weeks - Obasanjo
April
2, 2002 ThisDay Online
http://www.allafrica.com/stories/200204020125.html
2003:
Obasanjo Begins 14-Day Fasting
Daily
Trust
(Abuja) April 2, 2002
http://www.ngrguardiannews.com/news2/nn853501.html
Guardian,
Wednesday, April 3, 2002.
http://www.thisdayonline.com/news/20020403news01.html
As
PDP Leaders Storm Ota...
2003: 19 Govs Urge Obasanjo to Run
This
Day April 3, 2002
http://www.thisdayonline.com/news/April%203/page1.jpg
Abacha’s
Self-Succesion Drive June 1997 – April 1998
06/07/97
Abacha Versus Pro-Democracy Coalition
02/01/98
- Abacha's, Self Succession: Northern Ploy to Hold to Power
02/21/98 - The Hottest Business in Abuja
http://www.postexpresswired.com/postexpress.nsf/24c35a000fe637798525691a0076c2cb/8e1d3993328f7ce5852565b100708f25
03/06/98
Elected Assemblymen Support Abacha's Self-succession Bid
03/07/98
That Great March in March
03/31/98
Abacha: Lar & Co Vs Northern Elders Forum
Category:
News
Date of Article: 06/07/97
Topic: Abacha Versus Pro-Democracy
Coalition
Author: Sukuji Bakoji, Staff Writer and Leonard Nzenwa Jnr
Full Text of Article:
A
gadfly with a dogged history of confrontation with the military governments in
Nigeria was accosted by an unrepentant pro-democracy crusader who obviously had
run out of ideas on how to thwart the much publicised Abacha self-succession
bid. The former starred into the vacant space in front of him ruminating for a
while and said rhetorically: "Fighting Abacha is like boxing the air." The uncompromising radical who
had built all his hopes on the gadfly's answer lowered his head in complete
disbelief and walked away disappointed.
As
he counted his steps while delicately meandering through the thicket of
passers-by, he could not reconcile himself with the fact that the much respected
don who had plotted all the schemes and strategies that eventually stampeded
General Ibrahim Babangida out of office three years ago could not proffer any
solution this time around. Undeterred, however, the zealot who had vowed to lay
down his life in order to scuttle the alleged galloping ambition of General Abacha
and the fledgling pro-Abacha groups
egging him on to succeed himself, resolved that a meeting to bring together all
the democratic movements in the country needed to be convened forthwith. And
Jos, the Tin City in the Middle Belt,
hosted the pro-democracy coalition meeting.
The
pro-democracy coalition was then christened, United Action for Democracy (UAD).
Its sole mission can be summed up in just one sentence: "To stop Abacha,
and military rule."
The
UAD paraded both Democracy (CD), the Democratic Alternative (DA), Civil
Liberties Organisation (CLO), Constitutional Rights Projects (CRP), Community
Action for Popular Participation (CAPP), National Association of Nigerian
Students (NANS), Journalists for Democratic Rights(JODER) and the Movement for
the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP).
Others
are Campaign for Independent Unionism (CIU), Human Rights Monitor Association
for Democratic Citizens (ADC), Kano Democratic League, United Democratic
Alliance, Abuja Coalition, Jos Democratic Movement, Rivers Coalition, Senior
Staff Consultative Assembly of Nigeria (SESCAN), Kaduna Alliance for Democracy (KAD),
United Workers Action Group (UWAG), African Redemption Movement (ARM), People's
Labour Movement and Media Rights Agenda (MRA).
Mr.
Olisa Agbakoba, former president of Civil Liberties Organisation was the
convener and coordinating chairman, while Messrs. Chima Ubani and Sylvester
Odion-Akhaine served as the joint secretaries.
Defending
the formation of UAD, Mr. Agbakoba said: "We feel that in this period where
there are several issues which are not too clear, the only way we can make sense
and relevance is to sit down and plan a carefully programmed action against
whoever wishes to bark against democratic forces. You know the CLO can't do it
alone, the CRP can't. The only way to be successful is for all the contending
forces to come together. That was the critical reason of coming together."
But
this bloated sense of impending victory was to be short-lived as cracks emerged
from the walls of the groups. No sooner the communique issued at the end of the
inaugural meeting was made public than Femi Aborishade of Gani Fawehinmi-led
National Conscience Party (NCP) and Oludare Ogunlana of NANS disassociated
themselves from the umbrella group
In
a letter addressed to Olisa Agbakoba, the NCP explained that it "will have
nothing to do with any united efforts that are not committed to the
actualisation of June 12." It accused the UAD of not fighting for the
actualisation of June 12, instead it demanded "immediate end to military
rule and transfer of power to a transitional government of national unity
composed of elected representatives of mass democratic organisations in the
country."
Mr.
Ogunlana of NANS, on the other hand, argued that some of the pro-democracy
groups purportedly committed to human rights had been found to be fraudulent.
Said he: "We Nigerian students shall not be part of the groups that collect
foreign exchange from some countries to destabilise the country." He added,
"some elements cannot be using Nigerian students for their selfish
reasons." He, therefore, vowed that "the battle line has been drawn
with the so-called fraudulent human rights organisations."
But
Agbakoba debunked the allegations: "You see, the issue of June 12 and Chief
Gani and every other person needs to be put in perspective. Social forces must
shape events and the only starting point would be that Chief Abiola won the
election. I don't think it's in dispute. But we've come a long way from June 12,
1993. It is now four years and the fact is that June 12 is understood by many
social forces in different contexts." He argued that nonetheless, the basis
in which they came together was to achieve the same goal. "The one issue
that brought us together now is that whatever happens, General Abacha
must quietly leave office next year," he stressed.
Indeed,
in direct response to the formation of the UAD by the 22 human rights and
pro-democracy groups, 26 pro-Abacha
organisations whose identities had been concealed surfaced under the coalition
of "United Action for Nigeria" (UAN) to challenge UAD's stand on
Abacha's self-succession bid.
While
canvassing for tolerance, the UAN welcomed the UAD and enjoined it to see its
formation as a positive development for the polity, saying the two should engage
in open debates to determine "the true lovers of democracy and
Nigeria." It further called on the media organisations to organise a
national debate between pro-Abacha
supporters and pro-democracy groups to ascertain the one favoured by Nigerians.
A
consistent but placid military apologist, Dr. Godwin Daboh Adzuana, who also was
at the forefront of the Babangida self-succession
struggle chaired the meeting held in Lagos, while one Chief Nya Asuquo acted as
the secretary of the grand alliance to actualise the alleged bid by the head of
state to succeed himself as a civilian president at the end of his transition
programme.
Indeed,
the self-succession campaigns to
enthrone General Abacha as the next
civilian president was ignited by a former Chief Justice of the Federation,
Justice Mohammed Bello, who had argued that there were no legal obstacles
debarring Abacha from contesting the
presidential election.
Bello
had in an interview said: "I don't think (Abacha) will want to, but if he likes, he can contest. There is
nothing wrong. The constitution says every Nigerian has the right to contest
elections. He is a Nigerian and it will not be new in Africa because there are
examples in Africa."
The
former chief judge was not alone in this call. The Minister of Works and
Housing, Major General Abadulkarim Adisa, anchored his invitation for Abacha
to succeed himself on the ground that he would not be the first sit-tight leader
in Africa. "It has been General Abacha's age-long dream to liberate the
citizens of the country without anyone being oppressed but he will also be a
leader of vision," he boasted.
But,
by far the most and perhaps what seemed to look like a well-planned, well
co-ordinated and a programmed exercise, was the statement credited to the
Chairman of Power Devolution Committee and that of the Northern Elders
Committee, Alhaji Abdulrahman Okene. He advised the five political parties to
urge or woo General Abacha to contest
the presidential election.
Chief
David Attah, the chief press secretary to the head of state, also appealed to
Nigerians to exert sufficient pressure on his boss to contest the presidential
election. While the First Lady, Mrs. Mariam Abacha,
saw nothing wrong with the call.
The
head of state's interview with the Washington
Times only succeeded in glossing the pro-Abacha campaigns spirited denial that he has not put his mind to the
presidential race, but ended up mystifying the populace that the decision would
be his and that of his constituency.
Curiously,
it has been the blowing of empty hot words from pro-democracy coalition just as
its precursor, NADECO, had sought to raise hell if the military refused to back
out within an already stipulated ultimatum that remains a mirage. Apart from
this chest-beating ranting from the democracy coalition, a coordinated strategy
to contain the quest of pro-Abacha
organisations to actualise the enthronement of Abacha had not been addressed. At best, it has been an on-the-spur
of the moment reaction from the pro-democracy coalition, indeed a tactless and
sporadic action that goes for strategies to counter the highly articulated and
well-funded propaganda of the pro-Abacha
groups that appear to be paying off day by day.
Interestingly,
the pro-democracy coalition have decided to drop issues that concern human
rights in the new offensive, except where such violation specifically touches on
maltreatment or harassment for politically motivated reasons. The coalition is
working on the calculation that since that had confused than clarify the intent
of the struggle in the past, it would serve no purpose including it.
In
the meantime, the government has in its characteristic silent posturing, adopted
measured responses to check the renewed pressure exerted by the activities of
pro-democracy forces. It has alternated between outright disdain as a schematic
plot to undermine the collective efforts of these groups. Where this has not
served its intended purpose, harassment, arrests, threats, and monetary
incentives are employed to either cow the groups or strangulate them out of
existence. Floating of parallel groups within and outside the existing
pro-democracy coalition appears to be an option which the government has now
embraced — hence the factionalisations and dissentions in the UAD and its
umbrella associations. Indeed, the National Mobilisation and Persuasion
Committee (NMPC), National Movement for Peace and Stability and Youths Earnestly
Ask for Abacha '98
(YEAA) continue to intensify the campaign.
Indeed,
right from the onset, the Abacha
government has had to contend with various opposition groups. The first salvo
was fired by the embattled National Democratic Coalition (NADECO). It gave the
military May 31, 1994 as deadline to quit the political scene and go back to the
barracks. There and then the presumed winner of June 12, 1993 presidential
election would be sworn in as president and head of the national government. The
ultimatum, though regarded as empty threat, did not go down well with the
government. It descended heavily on the opposition.
The
first victim of the crackdown was Senator Ameh Ebute, erstwhile Senate president
during the botched Third Republic. Ebute issued a press statement on behalf of
his colleagues that the Senate which adjourned sine die since November 18, 1993, had reconvened. He was picked up
immediately and detained, while his colleagues were threatened with arrest and
intimidation by the security operatives.
The
Inspector General of Police, Alhaji Ibrahim Coomasie, then issued two separate
statements describing NADECO and other pro-democracy groups as illegal. He also
had a strong warning for individuals. Said he: "Any person, whether a
politician or a retired military officer or a pro-democracy crusader who thinks
he is in a position to install another government is advised in his own interest
to tread with caution as security agencies are prepared to act decisively on
such matters."
The
face-off between Abacha's government and NADECO took a dramatic and protracted
dimension with the latter employing a most vicious and subversive antics to
undermine the government. The group that was dismissed ab initio as not being serious and playing to the gallery in the
confrontational phase of the struggle for power became a thorn in the flesh of
the regime. The propaganda of the coalition was so penetratively effective that
a counter propagandist machinery of the government was unleashed full blast to
check the onslaught of the opposition.
In
fact, five ministers, two of which had no portfolios were deployed to rubbish
the efforts of the opposition with no remarkable success. Amused that NADECO was winning some grounds in the power
game, the head of state had to personally address the nation on August 17, 1994,
over the debilitating effects of NADECO propagandist and subversive strategies.
He observed that "in recent times, our country has been inundated by the
sporadic rise of unregistered groups seeking to play the role of political
associations. Such groups have wantonly and recklessly paraded themselves as
advocates of democracy. They created the erroneous impression of commanding
national spread whereas they are local, sectional, economically motivated and
ethnic in their orientation." He also said: "I must stress the
unflinching commitment of this administration to an early return to civil
democratic rule," adding: "there is no Nigerian today who does not
desire democracy. Even in the military, there is a groundswell of opinion on the
need to establish and uphold a culture of true democracy in our country."
In other words, the Abacha regime is
staking a counter-claim and commitment to democracy which it believes to be
possible only through its political agenda.
Abacha's
warning came on the heels of an early massive counter-propaganda scheme devised
in February, 1994 when it held its first cabinet reshuffle that saw the dropping
of some vocal functionaries.
Strategically,
NADECO at home constantly adjusted the focus of its fight with the government.
From its original position of insisting on the "actualisation of the June
12 mandate, the group now calls for a "revisitation" of the matter
with a view to resolving the problem through dialogue. Also, it now canvasses
for a "government of national unity" in which both Abiola and Abacha
would play a part in bringing about a new and credible transition programme.
With
every path of dialogue now apparently closed, NADECO came at naught with ideas
on how to meander its way through the intractable political quagmire. Most of
its members found solace in attending book launch, public seminars where the
sentiments of the struggle were kept afresh. Exasperated that nothing concrete
had come out of the struggle while allegations of being involved in bomb blasts
were levelled against the group, a sizeable number of the intellectual
think-tank of the coalition fled abroad. They included Wole Soyinka who had on
the onset disagreed with the modus
operandi of the coalition to achieve its objective, Anthony Enahoro, Bolaji
Akinyemi, Ralph Obiora, Tokunboh Afikuyomi, Bola Tinubu, John Oyegun, Gen. Alani
Akinrinde (rtd) and Group Captain Dan Sulaiman (rtd).
Chief
Adekunle Ajasin, its former chairman and Senator Abraham Adesanya the new leader
have uncompromisingly maintained the tempo of the struggle at home with the
latter surviving gunshot attack which was laid at the doorstep of the
government.
But
despite of the remarkable success
recorded by NADECO since it started its arm-twisting propagandist campaign to
stampede the Abacha government out
early 1994 its major weakness is the absence of a well structured central
oraganisation. This made it impossible for NADECO to speak with one voice, raise
necessary funds and forge a common front for its members. It is due to the
absence of a central organisation that statements purportedly emanating from
members are uncoordinated and this hampered the plan of the coalition.
The
government has exploited this lapse to their advantage. Every bomb blast and
subversive act perpetrated in the country has been linked to the coalition and
all critics of government policies have been hounded in prison. Dr. Frederick
Fasehun, Otunba Olabiyi Durojaiye, Olu Falae are all guests of the government.
It
is partly in response to these shortcomings of NADECO which also have been
dogged by leadership and misappropriation of funds crises, lack of will to
continue with the struggle, a blurred vision of executing its organic objective
and the perceived fear that the government had succeeded in infiltrating the
coalition camp that led to a rethink on an alternative front and agenda to
prosecute the protracted fight to actualise June 12, albeit with a slight
departure from the belligerent and radical posture held by the group. Hence, the
birth of UAD to continue with the struggle of actualising June 12 and
enthronement of a civilian democratically-elected government as soon as
feasible.
While
the pro-democracy coalition and pro-Abacha
groups slug it out on all fronts, the growing concern in the international
community is that of fears that the refusal of the Nigerian government to enter
into meaningful dialogue with the contending groups to resolve the political
problem would only aggravate the situation, politically and economically.
In
this vein, the United Nations Fact-Finding team that visited the country
recently to assess the human rights situation and examine the political
transition programme, left the country with the verdict that the situation was
far from being over.
This
unconvincing efforts by the Abacha
regime to genuinely pursue a transition programme that would usher in a
democratically elected civilian president on October 1, 1998, has led to various
forms of sanctions imposed on the country. The European Union (EU) has, during
the week, extended indefinitely the six months sanctions imposed on the country.
Equally,
the hide and seek game played by Abacha's regime in refusing to allow the two UN
rapporteurs, Mr. Bacre Nduaye and Mr. Para Cumaraswamy also contributed to the
passing of the resolution condemning the country.
Sadly,
the renewed pressure from the UN and the West and its accompanying sanctions had
only moved the Abacha government
through Alhaji Wada Nas to issue out a terse statement urging the "Abacha
for President" campaigners to stop or be dealt with.
In
fact, critics believe that Abacha is
gradually yielding to the pressure of the persuaders by creating a situation
which will justify an extension of the transition timetable which had been
staggered to make room for this grand design thereby lending credence to the
fears expressed by the erstwhile
Communications
Minister, Brig. Gen. David Mark (rtd) who alerted the nation few months after Abacha
took over power that 1999 would be the terminal date for the regime. Perhaps
time will tell.
Category: News
Date of Article: 02/01/98
Topic: Abacha's, Self Succession:
Northern Ploy to Hold to Power
Author:
Full Text of Article:
THAT
first week of June, Chief Francis Arthur Nzeribe, boss of the defunct
Association for Better Nigeria (ABN), and founder of the unregistered National
Democratic Party (NDP), stared at this reporter as the question was posed.
First,
it was not clear whether the Oguta high chief understood the question or he was
simply enraged. He just stared for sometime and then burst out. "You want
to compare the ABN with all these street corner things that pretend that they
want the Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha,
to succeed himself. Never! These are non-starters and they are puerile," he
thundered.
The
matter seemed to have been rested at that then since the managers of the self-succession
bid were not that raving in their drive.
They
have, however, persisted and this is actually saying it mildly about one of the
organisations called Youths Ernestly Ask for Abacha (YEAA), and the General Sani Abacha Movement for Unity and Stability (GESAM). The latter is not
the same with the General Sani Abacha
Movement for Peaceful and Successful Transition Programme (GESAM '98)
run by one Chief Yomi Tokoya.
These
groups have had the pressure on and they have even beaten up a level of public
apprehension of their agenda in the bid to get the military strongman to
transform into a civilian president.
Actually,
the Boss of YEAA, one youthful Mr. Daniel Kanu, son of the billionaire-owner of
the Abuja Agura Hotel, Chief Maxwell Kanu, came with a certain method. This was
the articulation of the many feats of the regime and the so-called danger of
discontinuity. He even succeeded in getting some other citizens to accept that
there was a basic need for continuity and comprehension of the latter-day
programme of the regime. This had led to a certain stampede among civil servants
and other interested citizens in Abuja, who wanted to register with the
organisation.
At
another level, one of the high players in the self-succession court, ex-senator Tony Anyanwu, had aided him, arguing
that a great measure of stability was needed and could be attained with the
perpetuation of Abacha. On that note,
he made a vehement drive for Abacha
to remain and transform as a civilian president.
About
the same time that the old senator Anyanwu, pressed his point, a cold-gutted
business tycoon from the south east geopolitical zone, Prince Arthur Eze, hit
the road with his irregular scheme of churning veritable as well as make shift
individuals and groups to press the continuity of Abacha.
First,
he turned up with the high-flying young entrepreneurs grouped under the banner
of Eastern Business Conference which went to Abuja to press some genuine points
about the Igbo businessman's dilemma in the Nigerian economic policy. They made
universally acclaimed cases for the Onitsha River Niger port, Oguta Estuary Port
and an international airport in the heart of the east, which is actually the
heart of Nigerian commerce.
Massive
ovation followed this move by Arthur and "more" was yelled across the
south east where the people have known the worst humiliating marginalisation
since the end of the civil war in 1990.
The
applause for that drive was still high when the great Arthur re-surfaced in
Abuja, with a band of traditional rulers who now pressed for Abacha's continuity
without any condition since according to them, the gentleman general had
acquited himself so well in getting Nigeria united and stable. They also argued
that he qualified to rule to provide all Nigeria desired in the precise presence
of a stern general for greater effect and sustenance of the tradition built in
his style of leadership.
Prior
to all these, the GESAM '98, led by
Tokoya had stormed the press pavilion of the Inosi Onira Retreat home
of Nigeria's foremost democrat, and first president, the late Dr. Nnamdi
Azikiwe, during the final burial, November 16, 1996, and dominated the horizon
with a pro-Abacha poster which
screamed what he called "patriotic slogans for Abachaism." These were
projected as "the advanced form of Zikism
and Awoism to move our great nation -
Nigeria - forward."
The
first item on the agenda was "a self-reliant ideology for a New
Nigeria." Curiously, this was followed by "a self reliant ideology for
building a genuine, a true, enduring, durable and lasting democracy in
Nigeria." From there, it went on to cover matters in "discipline,
stability, unity, international finance, co-habitation, equality in motivation,
demystification of feudalism, elitism and bourgeoism; sovereignty; patriotism;
leadership" and more others - it ended with "a self-reliant ideology
for using Nigeria's oil wealth through the Petroleum (Special) Trust Fund (PTF),
to transform Nigeria into a modern state," which was item number 40 on the
card-board, printed green-on-white.
Tokoya,
had actually taken a step after growling at the press pavillion at Inosi
Onira. He had published these into a book to mark the 53th birth-day of the
first citizen.
Somehow,
after these, certain front-line players in the five political parties hit the
road with their suggestions of an Abacha
perpetuation.
Initially,
these politicians had put across their respective blue-prints to revamp the
Nigerian state and most of the items ran counter to the current programmes of
the Abacha regime. In a sudden twist,
some of these leaders jumped and declared that they had implicit interest in the
programme of the regime and would pray for continuity. Dr. Olusola Saraki,
leader of the Congress for National Consensus, (CNC), was the first to sound the
warning. He declared that he would not contest the Presidency of the land if Abacha
was running. He would defer to him. A great number of other political leaders
followed. "Abacha is doing a
great job, "they moan. "It will not be good to interrupt him,"
they rationalised.
So
many others have echoed them. Some army generals, including the very highest in
governmental scale had followed and even threatened to bring down the roof of
the Nigeria state if the "dumb" citizens did not hearken to them.
These
have led to the birth of more of the self-succession
groups. There is no doubt about the motives of the operatives. There is no
guessing about the frame of these groups just as there is no contention about
the backgroup of the agitators.
But,
there appears to be a valid question about their method, their end-gain drive
and the actual intentions of their hidden motivators and the implications of
their actions of the political development of Nigeria for now and a bit beyond.
Basically,
these groups, motley as they are and aided with state apparatus as they are,
could not have been anything near what Nzeribe put together in his ABN of the
failed Third Republic. The international businessman had arrived the scene with
a novel idea about the elongation of the then very long regime of General
Ibrahim Babangida.
Nzeribe, had even brought international media influence in it with his constant
insertion of the ABN programmes on the CNN international news and programmes.
By
method, the current organistions are started and headed by illiterates or
semi-educated Nigerians.
This
reporter who had the benefit of covering the ABN in 1993, was privileged to
attend, in the last few weeks, a few functions put together by the current
bodies and groups calling for the perpetuation of Abacha after October 1, 1998. It was a disastrous contract. Whereas
the ABN paraded the Nzeribes, Abayomis, Odetundes, Jerry Okolos, all university
trained professionals, eloquent speakers, and organisers the current
organistions roam the terrain with stark illiterates.
From
one Mr. E.O Okereke, who claims he now controls YEAA against the stronger claim
of the young Kanu down to one Alhaji Chief, Dr, Abayomi Owulade of the so-called
Abacha Solidarity Movement (ASOMO),
it was a clear display of ignorance, illiteracy and in some cases idiocy, by
these operatives.
In
fact, last week, this reporter was stunned with the bizzare organisational
pattern of the so-called ASOMO in response to journalists who attended its
programme at the Tinubu Area of the Lagos Island. On that occasion and to the
chagrin of the journalists, the chairman, Owulade, had stated through his agents
that he was expecting the approval of the questions to be raised in the forum to
the journalists. These were later said to have arrived from Abuja and a set of
four formless questions and pre-arranged answers that shocked the reporters were
distributed. They could not believe it, especially with the firm order that they
had to arrange among themselves how to pose the baseless questions on the
"missions and objectives of ASOMO; the kind of support they enjoyed then;
the role of ASOMO in the five political parties and in ASOMO joining any of the
parties."
Matter-of-factly,
this reporter, who attended that forum, had never been this insulted in a
function. A great number of the reporters moved to their feet and left, while
some stayed back to parry the order from Abuja.
Actually,
there was no room for questions since the answers were also already prepared and
sent from Abuja.
The reporters were astounded. Could the government or its backers be that daft
or use quite daft and stark illiterates to do this job that required the best
articulate minds?
Possibly,
the motivators have a problem of putting across the right calibre of Nigerians
to argue these cases and even make them believeable, but actually beyond that is
the need to ascertain the implications of the development, first as in redrawing
of the military transformation pattern in politics and then as a clear violation
of the yearning of the geo-political zones of the country to have a reckoning at
the highest political position of the land.
Arguing
in the just released book; Terminus:
Power, Hegemony and Endgame Doctrine, Agwuncha Arthur Nwankwo, declared that
these were in furtherance of the northern scheme for perpetuation in power
through ethno-military manoeuvrings.
He
said that the northern political elites had a feeling of los and even
desperation in the prospect of a person from
any where, other than the north, emerging to rule Nigeria now.
According
to him, the myth about northern political invisibility was exploded in the June
12, presidential election which he claimed that Chief M.K.O Abiola won.
The
victory of Abiola, he said in the book, had put the jitters in the northern
establishment that they resented any further attempt at real democratic
elections. This, he said, was the basis of the clamour for the perpetuation of Abacha
or any other northerner.
This
sounds quite plausible, especially with the imputation that the tone of the
northern drive to hold onto power was made without regard to the feelings of the
other ethnic groups.
This
is even more shocking that after the then turbulent constitutional conference
had arrived at the need to forster Nigeria unity through rotation of the
presidency and even the setting up of the Committee for Devolution of Powers,
the north had still been brasen in its crave for further grip of the
presidential power. This, he said was, surprising.
In chapter one of the Terminus....
entitled "the historical sources of Northern political power: an agenda in
opposition to federalism," Nwankwo posted that having ruled Nigeria for the
entire quasi-sovereign period from independence, safe the six months of General
JTU Aguiyi Ironsi, the three and half years of General Olusegun Obasanjo, and
the "shameful" 83 days of Chief Ernest Shonekan, the north, whether
civilian or military, had produced the heads of state. The then continuation of Abacha,
no matter who initiated it, would amount to an effort in the perpetuation of the
northern hegemony. Most infuriating still, he said, was the tendency for the
south east whose officer corps had been wiped out after the defeat of the civil
war to be entirely left out in a military regime.
Even in his work, Coup as a Political
Action, the same Nwankwo had pressed the point about a certain development
in which only officers and men of the far northern origin were taking reins in
the armed forces and using them as the most portent instrument for the
furtherance of northern hegemony.
This
is frightful and at the same time shameful, especially for the perpetuation
agitators who, either out of ignorance or a desire for material upliftment
backed and even operated the "Abacha
must stay" campaign for whatever it was worth.
Granted,
Abacha has done marvelously as
Nigeria's head of state in a time of dire need for a firm one. He has equally
exhibited a certain gainful dynamism in response to the global economic
behaviour so that Nigeria could switch successfully into the fast lane. But, in
the area of concrete political appreciation and heading the country off the
turbulent waters, especially as it relates to the matters of the geo-ethnic
feelings, his perpetuation drivers do not seen to understand that raw military
power and even the immediate success
of a government cannot remove the desire for a sence of belonging. Gone are the
days when we say it doesn't matter.
Perhaps,
his advisers, and or, sychophants who want him to succeed himself without any
thought about the northern usurpation of the presidency did not for once think
about the resistant - capability of people who feel, rightly or wrongly, that
they are, systematically ousted from the prime foya of power.
Incidentally,
actually, the overall south has felt more aggrieved but at the same time, the
south has produced the entire front-line operators of the "Abacha
must stay" campaign. But these are, evidently, men who do not have the
capacity to measure their restrictive attitude to their group's drive and the
more beneficial texture of power that could bring confidence, hope and
stability.
In
examining the profile of these pro-Abacha
groups, with all the fine qualities they have, it does not appear that any of
them has a grip of the institutional damage their actions have done to the
sentiment of their people and their belief in their country.
If
it becomes imperative to press this self-succession
bid, it will do a great deal to parade the men who have the sample the
education, the exposure and the appeal to put across the values of a further
tenure for the incumbent head of state.
That
way, it will be guaranteed that a reasoned attention would be paid the drive and
a deferment of expected shift of power even contemplated.
With
such operatives as Owulade of ASOMO, who told this reporter that he could not
communicate to him in any language other than Yoruba, or Okereke who failed to
read a prepared serrpt of YEAA at a conference in Lagos, or Alhaji Isa Sulaiman,
who could not understand why the ASOMO progromme should be made public, it is
highly doubted that the groups would be believed.
This
actually makes valid the question of who actually selected them for the job.
Some watchers have argued that if actually those who selected them for the job
really believed that they could do the job of selling even the loftiest job of Abacha,
then they were either ignorant or just taking Nigerians for a ride.
It
is possible that some of these operatives hit the road on their own, believing
that they were doing what they wanted to do to show their love for the head of
state, but, with such situation where a questionaire and the answers were
prepared from somewhere in Abuja, and forced on the officials of ASOMO to give
reporters, it is obvious that somebody with a lot of manipulative power is at
work. But, the person must look at the real geopolitical feeling before the
pressure for perpetuation.
Category:
News
Date of Article: 03/07/98
Topic: That Great March in March
Author: Tom Chiahemen
Full Text of Article:
I
HAD the privilege of watching the political jamboree called "The Great
March in March," in Abuja, from a ring-side position. Yet when I am
required to give my personal opinion or to assess the two-day rally, organised
to further persuade General Abacha,
the head of state, to "agree" to succeed himself in office, I am
certain my view would fall below those of the other millions of watchers of the
event. Depending on which side the other Nigerians would tend to stand to
analyse the rally.
Let's
face the fact, the "2-million Youth March in March," staged under the
auspices of the pro-Abacha National
Council for Youth Associations of Nigeria (NACYAN), like a coin, did possess two
sides: The organisers and their supporters who believed, very strongly in the
endeavour on one hand, and their critics (and they seemed so many) who would
never come to terms with the necessity, the rationale and the justification for
the N500 million said to have been budgetted for the two-day event which took
place at the New Parade Ground, in the Maitama District of the Federal Capital
Territory.
For
instance, the organisers and those who came to speak in support of the cause,
say the enormous amount of resources, time and energy committed into the rally
could not have gone to any better venture. Daniel Kanu, the leader of the
notorious "Youths Earnestly Ask for Abacha
(YEAA) '98" and vice-chairman of
NACYAN, says the N500 million budgetted for the rally "came from a number
of patriotic individuals in the country who believe in the cause we are
fighting."
To
those alleging that government had sponsored the carnival, Kanu says there ought
to be nothing wrong in government doing that. "Even if we got any grant
from the government, there's nothing absolutely wrong with that... nothing wrong
in the government funding very worthy projects for them to be realised," he
stated in Abuja on Thursday.
On
the other hand, those who do not appreciate the import of the event, have gone
ahead to pick several holes in the project: They say it was wrong to have caused
each of the local government chairmen across the country to expend public funds
on the sponsorship of over 5,000 delegates to Abuja. They point out that the
state security was put at the disposal of the organisers; the entire Federal
Civil Service in Abuja paralysed for three days, while such facilities as
government vehicles, public institutions and personnel were used for the rally.
A
good example, according to the critics, is the use of two helicopters belonging
to the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), for security surveillance
during the two-day rally. Many have wondered how, the NNPC, a parastatal under
the Federal Ministry of Petroleum Resources, came to play such a role. Were the
helicopters hired to carry out the aerial surveillance? If yes, by who? NACYAN,
the organisers?
How
much was the NNPC paid for the 48-hours, or more the two choppers flew over the
arena and its vicinity? Knowing the high cost of aviation fuel, the corporation
must, no doubt, have wasted a lot of fuel flying the birds. So, if the uncalled
for 48-hour, non-stop display of the choppers was not carried out on purely
commercial basis, then the Nigerian tax payers would so much like to know how
much of public funds was expended on the use of the helicopters for the
"2-million Youth March in March". And why? Would that not impinge the
government's claim to being neutral or non-committed in the organisation and
funding of the two-day political jamboree?
As for Daniel Kanu's claim that the funds for the rally came from contributions
"from individual patriotic Nigerians," critics of the rally would
challenge NACYAN to name just two of such donors and the amount each has
donated. And what would such donors hope to gain in return for their investment
in a musical carnival in which no gate fee was charged nor any other way of
generating revenue put in place?
But
that is as far as the argument from the two sides go. What I would like to add
my voice to, is the fate of the two opposite rallies which were to hold
simultaneously in Abuja and Lagos. Organisers of the Lagos (Anti-Abacha)
rally and their supporters (who qualify to be termed "the
opposition"), have condemned the disruption of their planned rally by the
Lagos State Police Command even as the one in Abuja, in support of General
Abacha's presidency, was being televised and beamed live into the homes of all
Nigerians and beyond.
Daniel
Kanu, who chaired the publicity sub-committee of the central organising
committee for the Abuja rally, however says the organisers of the aborted Lagos
rally were to blame. He says the Anti-Abacha
group had no right to want to stage a rally without first obtaining a police
permit. "Sometime last year, when we in YEAA planned a rally in Lagos (It
was to be an Anti-June 12 rally, on June 11-12, 1997), the police came and
stopped us, because according to them, we didn't obtain police permission,"
he stated in Abuja on Thursday. In any case, Kanu says, there's nowhere in the
world where any government in power funds its opponents. "For example, in
the United Kingdom, the British government has been doing everything possible to
do away with the IRA (Irish Republican Army)," Kanu posited.
My
view is that given the perceived support which General Abacha enjoys today, and against the backdrop of the nation's march
towards democracy, the Lagos rally or any other one for that matter should have
been allowed to hold.
Now,
on the raging argument as to the success
or otherwise of the Abuja rally, I contend that given the normal difficulties
associated with mobilising both resources and human beings, the March 3-4, 1998
"2-million Youth March" was a huge success. But as to whether the objective of the organisers was
achieved, I wish to opine that if tomorrow, the head of state comes out to
announce to the nation that he has decided to contest the next presidential
elections (or merely to continue in office), it will not be in any way, due to
what happened at the New Parade Ground Abuja.
I
believe General Abacha, who has
demonstrated a soft spot for democracy (by his actions in Liberia, Sierra Leone
and even at home), would prefer to follow the democratic path or anything that
remotely resembles the path of democracy. In this case, it is my guess that the
head of state would rather use the call by the political party leaders - who are
the only known representatives of the people and, if anything more, the
traditional ruler — as the basis for his decision to succeed himself. That, to
me looks more like it.
As
for the large crowd of people seen at the Abuja rally, I would like to commend
the organisers for doing a good job, not taking into consideration how it was
done. But if I were asked to consider the sea of heads at the rally as a basis
for judging its success or failure, I
would sincerely state that even if satan had organised the rally, the mere fact
of the presence of such a galaxy of musicians and other artists, alone, would
have attracted so much people. The crowd often seen at the national stadium in
Lagos anytime there's a football match involving over own Super Eagles must tell
us something about events such as the one in question.
For
the young people, the "2 million youth march in March" was a very good
run-away from the many problems in the land today. This reminds me of America in
the early '70s: Each time there were riots in American cities, the government
would quickly send James Brown out to the streets to entertain and, therefore,
tame the youths. I realised during the Abuja canival that many of the youths who
came to the FCT were lured by the prospect of watching, live, for the first
time, such big names as Baba Fry-O, Ras Kimono, Shina Peters and Mike Okri,
among other top artists who were earlier advertised by the organisers. A lot
more had left their homes determined never to go back.
I
recall a particular time on March 3, when one of the masters of ceremony came
out to announce a "Lost-but-found" certificate at the rally, what was
the owner of the said certificate doing with such a valued document at a musical
concert? What has a certificate got to do with "persuading" the head
of state to "accept" the people's invitation to succeed himself?
All said and done, I believe that if the Great March in March" has succeeded in achieving something, it is the fact (which future historians will soon come to reckon with) that the status of Nigerian youth in the politics of the nation has somehow been elevated to its pedestal.