Pitfalls of Obasanjo's Internationalism

By

Khicingwe W. Simji

khicingwesimji@consultant.com  

 

The paradox of power is that you either overestimate or underestimate it. Both could lead to unpleasant consequences. From one’s observation of President Olusegun Obasanjo’s conduct of foreign affairs, it would appear that he risks overrating his capability in world affairs.

 

Aside the President’s well-known penchant for foreign trips, he appears to suffer from a quixotic illusion of internationalism. This obsession for an internationalist role is traceable to his antecedent as military ruler in the seventies.

 

After General Murtala Mohammed had stormed African Hall at the Addis Ababa Headquarters of the erstwhile Organization of African Unity with his AFRICA HAS COME OF AGE speech, General Obasanjo, who took over after his assassination, was compelled to preserve the populist tempo by carving out a radical role for Nigeria in world affairs.

 

Nattering the usual anti-imperialist slogans of the day and forging a posture of self-righteous indignation at the apartheid regime in South Africa, the military regime managed to pass amongst the ‘Frontline’ States, countries considered as leading lights in the fight to dismantle the apartheid system.

 

Soon thereafter, following his consolidation of his previous clumsy grip of power, General Obasanjo jettisoned Murtala’s militant anti-imperialist internationalism for ‘constructive’ engagement with the United States, a nation then fossilized in a cold war mentality and to whom the word liberation spelt communism.   

 

Another source of attraction to the idea of internationalism for the President came after he had handed over power to the civilians. By keeping to the earlier promise by his predecessor to hand over power and by actually handing over to a pliant and moderate civilian leader, he further endeared himself to his western friends, who posthaste nominated him into the Commonwealth EPG < Eminent Persons Group > to enter the apartheid South Africa to negotiate Mandela’s freedom.

 

Although, like our own Chief M.K.O.Abiola much later on, Mandela rebuffed them, the experience no doubt gave Obasanjo a taste and aura of international statesmanship, a role he has tried without success to combine with his present duties as President of the Federal Republic.

 

Since his return to power Obasanjo has expended a lot of his time and energy in pursuing foreign engagements that bear little or no significance to the well being of Nigeria.

 

In a rare moment of retrospection, the President himself had confessed that for all the trips he had made overseas, calculated by a national newspaper to have lasted almost one third of his four-year tenure, he had nothing to show for it. Rather than being dissuaded by this realism, the President appears more determined in his quixotic wanderings during his second tenure.   

 

Nigerians have not ceased to wonder what business the President of a country whose manufacturing sector has all but collapsed have at the gathering of leaders of industrial countries? And yet nothing seems to delight Obasanjo more than to mount the podium before his more powerful colleagues at endless world summits droning them with his characteristic sterile monotony.       

 

The President’s spin-doctors argue, as if the President also doubles as the Foreign Affairs Minister, that his trips have improved the image of Nigeria abroad. But from reports and experiences all over the world nothing has changed. Most websites on the Internet still carry warnings about doing business with Nigerians.

 

Even though there are embarrassing stories of the President’s undignified treatment abroad, such as being stranded at airports or having inconsequential subordinates receive him, to all intents and purposes, Western leaders still indulge him.

 

The Brentton Woods institutions couldn’t have met a more enthusiastic supporter than the Nigerian President. Within a spate of four years he has sold the national wealth, built over decades of toil and petrodollars, to foreigners and their local fronts in the name of privatization.

 

Apparently to gratify the multinationals, and, of course, the IMF and the World Bank, Nigerians are saddled with spiraling prices of petroleum products in this world’s major oil exporting country. Not to mention the cutthroat cost of telephony operated by foreigners who are more concerned with reaping huge profits than providing quality service to the Nigerian consumer. Incidentally, the President counts this as one of his achievements in office!   

 

Preoccupied with his wars in the Middle and Far Asia and unable to sustain         manufactured new roles for President Obasanjo to play.

 

Oblivious of the irony, Obasanjo was sent to Zimbabwe to persuade President Robert Mugabe to conduct a free and fair election, to be less dictatorial and to respect human rights. Mugabe must have been amused listening to him; the Odi and Zaki Biam massacres, in this age of the information superhighway, are not closet news.

 

The recent American assignment to President Obasanjo was the removal of the Murderer of Monrovia, President Charles Taylor, and granting of political asylum to him in Nigeria in spite of the fact that he is an indicted war criminal wanted by a UN war tribunal, and in spite of the public outcry by Nigerians against him for the murder of two Nigerian journalists and several Nigerian soldiers and civilians.

 

The President did this without reference to the National Assembly. The overriding interest here is clearly that of the Americans who wanted to pacify their former colony without spilling American blood!!

 

Under the American designed NEPAD, President Obasanjo has labored to assure the West that henceforth African leaders would behave themselves, meaning, they would unquestioningly acquiesced to the agenda of the new world order. A world order in which the economy of the third world is plundered for the luxury of the affluent West, our social and cultural institutions are supplanted by the ‘superior’ western civilization and our population decimated by laboratory manufactured germs and viruses.

 

The first commitment to this order, going by the scripts of the Huntingtons and the Fakuyamas, the philosophers of the new order, is liberalism.

 

In the name of liberal democracy our President is spending his time and energy to ensure that the continent is safe from military coups. He invested his personal reputation to annul the coup in the Republic of Sao Tome and Principe.

 

He is now talking to the Colonels in Guinea Bissau to reverse their putsch. All these are well and good except for two reasons: The President’s endeavor is aimed at impressing foreigners more than Nigerians. The African Union does not only have a President and Secretary General but also has a mechanism for dealing with breaches to the letter and spirit of NEPAD, so Nigerians would have wished that the President preoccupies himself with domestic affairs for once.

 

Secondly, it is preposterous for the President to belabor himself with stopping military coups in foreign lands when the state of affairs at home, due to mismanagement and neglect, are daily creating conditions for an antidemocratic slide. Opinions, even from respectable and responsible quarters, suggest that if the government does not make the dividends of democracy available to Nigerians they would soon be disillusioned by the system and opt for other devises.

 

In plain language President should be more concerned about the preservation of democracy on our own soil. He can only do that if he stays at home and minds the business for which Nigerians elected him.

 

The President may think that running a country like Nigeria makes him powerful enough to be an international interloper but this could very well be an overestimation. Nigeria might look powerful from the outside but our weak domestic capacity makes us just too vulnerable. It would be calamitous for Obasanjo to overstretch us internationally without restoring the domestic economy.

 

Mr. Simji writes from Jos.