Participant's Account of the Jihad in Kano

By

Ibrahim Ado-Kurawa

majekarofi@yahoo.com

Being a paper presented at the Interactive Symposium of the 1804 Jihad organized by the Center for Hausa Cultural Studies Kano Nigeria (19^th and 20^th Rabi Thani 1425/ 7^th and 8^th June 2004 )

The account of the Jihad in Kano in this paper is mostly from Muhammad Zangi Ibn Salih who wrote the Taqyid al-Akhbar Jama’at al-Shaykh alladhin bi-Kanu wa ma jara baynahum wa bayn al-taghut min al-hurub[1] on the instruction of Sarkin Kano Abdullahi Maje Karofi because of the:

Fear of the disappearance of the present generation and the information they have on the jihad might vanish with them. And then misinformation will occur in future which will result in controversies and misunderstanding of the life style of the earlier generation[2].

His sources were his teachers and other eyewitnesses such as ‘Alim Ishaq bn ‘Alim Muhammad Gwani who was a well-known scholar of the period. Others include ‘Alim Muhammad Falaki and ‘Alim Muhammad Maly Imam of Fanisau. Zangi’s closeness to the palace afforded the opportunity for sources that were not available to others[3].

Sarkin Kano Usman Maje Ringim had earlier appointed, Zangi Qadi of Kano [4] before the assumption of Sarkin Kano Abdullahi Maje Karofi. The Kano Chronicle has reported that Zangi was amongst the closest officials to Abdullahi Maje Karofi[5]. He had studied at the renowned university center of Silame, which was established by Sarkin Musulmi Muhammad Bello. It was reported that he was a colleague of Sarkin Musulmi Aliyu Karami and that Sarkin Musulmi Bello once prayed for the two of them[6]. Abd Allah bn Al-Qadi described Zangi as “charming, intelligent and well versed in the common disciplines”[7]. Zangi’s father Salihu Duttiwa who later served as Qadi and his uncle Abdullahi al-Kanawi were amongst Shehu’s students who were brought up to the highest degree of spiritual attainment[8]. Smith who was not a supporter of the Fulani commented that: “Apart from Sultan Bello’s account of the jihad at Gobir, Zangi’s history of the struggle in Kano is perhaps the most detailed and convincing available for a Hausa state”[9].  The elders of his time who participated in the Jihad campaigns were the source of his information. His book was listed as one of the contributions of pre-colonial scholars to the history of their societies[10]. His un avowed commitment to the leadership of the Jihad movement and the state when he observed that: “If you understand what we have stated concerning the vanguard of Islam then you will know that our fathers the muhajirun (emigrants) have followed their footsteps and we are optimistic that they shall enter paradise. And anyone who slanders them or accuses them falsely is similar to anyone who slanders or accuses the companions of the Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him) who has also said “this ummah shall not perish until the later generation disregards the earlier generation” this is an indication of the destruction of later generation if they engage themselves in this unlawful act”[11]. This statement became a source of scathing criticism from one historian who noted that Zangi was acting in favor of the establishment[12].

The Shehu’s Call and People’s Response

Shehu Usman Danfodio (thereafter the Shehu) began calling people to the path of Allah at an early age of twenty while he was still a student, which was and is still the tradition in some parts of Sudanic Africa. His followership grew and he had three categories of students; those who attend and listen to his public preaching sessions, those who study various Islamic subjects under his tutelage and the core or the murids, who were the highest and were brought up to acquire spiritual training. Amongst those in this category were Abdullahi, Bello and others. As the Shehu became popular more students flocked to him to seek knowledge and blessings even before the outbreak of the Jihad. The number of followers also increased before the Hijra. There was also another method through which the Shehu used to call people, which was through karamat (miracle) and according to Zangi he has heard and narrated it from more than one person. Through it a person was woken up from sleep with a call that “Shehu is calling” you and it usually persists for a long time the sleeper usually woke up and found no one. He narrated that ‘Alim Sulaiman informed him that: “When our Dikkoye[13] visited the Shaikh he showed him the man who was calling him (Dikkoye) at night while he was asleep. This was the well-known Saint of Degel Muhammad Kwairanga”[14].  The Shehu instructed those who visited him to establish their communities and they obeyed this instruction the Jama’ah were established in many parts of Hausaland. They continued visiting the Shehu individually and in groups and the number of his followers increased leading to the composition of a poem quoted by Zangi: “One by one we gathered; until we became strong; year by year we gathered”[15].

As people continued to flock to the Shehu from all parts of Hausaland, many from Kano also visited him and pledged allegiance. According to Zangi Mallam Abdurahman Goshi and his brother Mallam Jibril were the first to visit the Shehu and pledge allegiance and were followed by Mallam Jamo, Mallam Bakatsine, Mallam Danzabuwa, Mallam Dabo Danbazau, Mallam Dangabuwa and Mallam Usman Bahause and others followed them majority of whom were Fulani although some Hausas also visited the Shehu and pledged allegiance. Many of the other sources of history agreed with the list of these people as those who visited the Shehu and later they became the Jihad leaders and subsequently the Emirate leaders.

From Zangi’s account it seems the visit and pledge of allegiance came before the Shehu’s message, which was most probably the Wathiqat ahl al-Sudan[16]. According to him Mallam Adamu and Ladan Goja brought this to Kano and handed it over to Mallam Dangabuwa. Those at the first meeting were Mallam Abdurrahman leader of the Ba’awa clan (popularly known as the Yolawa)[17], Mallam Bakatsine leader of the Jobawa clan[18], Jamo leader of the Sullubawa clan[19], Mallam Dabo leader of the Danbazawa clan[20], Mallam Danzabuwa leader of the Danejawa clan[21] and Mallam Usman leader of the Hausas. It should be noted that the participation of Mallam Usman in the Jihad was informed by the interest of the non-Fulani people which led Gowers to observe that: “It was not in any sense a conquest of the Hausa race by the Fulani, indeed the Hausa adherents of Othman were probably as numerous as his Fulani followers”[22]. It was at this meeting that they decided that the Hijra should be to Fagoje (Kwazazobon Yarkwando), which was thirty-eight miles (48 kilometers) west of Kano city. And the date fixed was the 16th of Jumada Awwal 1219 A.H (mid August 1804)[23].

Smith believes that Mallam Adamu mentioned by Zangi was the Lamido of Adamawa, Mallam Adamu[24]. One source of difference between Smith and Zangi was that Smith wrote that they met at Zuwa in Danzabuwa’s compound while Zangi reported that they met under the leadership of Mallam Dangabuwa. A Kano scholar read Zangi’s book to Smith[25] and they are some inconsistencies in his report as a result of this second hand reading. Smith also added that:

The council of leaders made up of Mallam Bakatsine, Mallam Jibir, Mallam Jamau, Mallam Yusuf Dan Zabuwa, Alkali Usman, Mallam Dabo Dambazau, and Mallam Dikkoye of Gyenawa, decided to send Mallam Dan Zabuwa to the Shehu for a flag to bless and authorize their jihad in Kano . It does not seem that Sulaimanu, the leading Mundubawa cleric, had any part in these councils, or perhaps in the entire jihad[26].

Smith’s evidence that Sulaiman was remained in Kano was the Wakar Bagauda translated by Hiskett[27]. He also quoted Mallam Adamu Nama’aji as the source of information on the flag and that the leader of the battles was Jamo[28]. Adamu Nama’aji’s book was based on oral tradition because he was not a participant neither did meet any of the participants. Smith and Zangi did not mention Sulaiman or the Mundibawa but Gowers mentioned the Mundubawa as the first in his list of the major Fulani clans at the time of the Jihad[29]. Smith also added Dikkoye as one of the leaders who attended the meeting that planned the Jihad but Zangi (Dikkoye’s nephew) did not mention this. The assumption of this writer is that after Shehu had called Dikkoye he remained at Degel and Sokoto up to the Shehu’s death this was because of the role he (Dikkoye) played in the succession of Sarkin Musulmi Muhammad Bello [30].

From Zangi’s account the Jihad was coordinated and strategically planned by spreading the clans to different sectors of Kasar Kano while others[31] suggested that it was uncoordinated and sporadic. The Sullubawa, Yolawa, Danejawa, Dambazawa and Modibawa carried out the Jihad battles in the Western parts of Kano where their settlements were located. While the Jobawa, Jullubawa (Gyanawa) and Yeligawa carried out the Jihad in Eastern Kano under the leadership of Mallam Bakatsine.

Jihad Campaigns

The Yolawa, Sullubawa, Dambazawa, Danejawa, the Hausawa and other clans of Eastern Kano assembled at Fagoje as agreed at the meeting when the Shehu’s letter was received while Jobawa, Jallubawa (Gyanawa), Yaligawa and other clans of the Eastern Kano made their Hijra in the East. All these groups were known as the Jama’ah. The first battle of the Jihad was fought at a settlement some where around Bebeji, which was under the jurisdiction of its Chief, near the predominately Sullubawa area of Kiru . It was Dandayya who might have been a member of the Yolawa clan, who shot the first arrow of the Jihad, which killed Bimma. Sarkin Kano was informed of this encounter and the coincident death of the Chief of Bebeji. As a result of which he appointed Gyanako the son of the late Chief to succeed his father, on the condition that he must fight the Jama’ah vigorously.

The western Jama’ah, engaged Alwali's forces under the leadership of the Gyanako. Both sides suffered heavy casualties and even though Alwali's forces were more successful, his advisers blamed the lack of complete victory on the composition of his army and they suggested that well trained and experienced soldiers from the city should be dispatched to confront the Jama’ah. Alwali accepted this advice and he appointed Barde Bakure to command the newly formed battalion but the Jama’ah who were becoming more confident also defeated them.

This defeat frightened Sarkin Kano Alwali Kutumbi . He therefore summoned his councilors and scholars. They advised him that he should send envoys to negotiate with the Jama’ah and if there is no agreement between the two parties, he should form a very large army composed of all the able bodied men of his Kingdom. Alwali accepted this advice and he appointed Mallam Dan Dhulni'ma, Zayan al-Arabi, Jakadan Kardewa (who died on their way back to Kano after the meeting) and Mallam Hayu to negotiate a truce with the Jama’ah. These people met the leaders of the Jama’ah among whom. And they were informed by the leaders of the Jama’ah who were encouraged by their victory that before they accept Alwali's he must make the Hijra similar to the one they had made and if they were successful they shall restore him to this position and reappoint him as the legitimate Sarkin Kano under the authority of the Shehu.

Sarkin Kano Alwali  assembled his council and elites to advice him on the next line of action. He was about to accept these conditions just like Sarkin Zazzau Jatau but was discouraged by his councilors, the most outspoken of whom was the Chief Imam Abdulkadir, who condemned the leaders of the Jama’ah as ignorant. Sarki Alwali’s scholars also added that they never heard any Prophet whose name was Faty, Jaoje or Dabo some of the common names of the leaders of the Jama’ah. Therefore it seemed they advised him that Jama’ah had no divine guidance therefore he should ignore their call and assembly a large army to defeat them. As a result of this Sarki Alwali decreed that able-bodied men in his Kingdom including minorities such as Kanuris and Tauregs should be drafted into the Army, which shall be commanded by Sarkin Dawaki Ali. Alwali instructed them to kill all males including babies and enslave all females but the leaders of the Jama’ah should be chained and brought to him. This army was very large and it had many arms and ammunitions, which were carried by camels. The Jama’ah were terrified at this development more especially as people stopped joining their camp. Both forces met at a decisive battle known, as Yakin Daukar Girma and the Jama’ah were victorious.

The victory of Yakin Daukar Girma boasted the morale of the Jama’ah and it made prominent chiefs who were hitherto in Alwali's camp such as Dantunku  to join the Jama’ah. Several other battles were later fought and the Jama’ah were successful in most of them. The most notable were the battles of Kabo, Masnawa, Gwodiya, Kofa, Kura and Karaye. Turmi who was the Chief of Kofa joined the Jama’ah and was appointed the Chief of the strategic Town of Bebeji . Only a few of the local Fulanis joined the Jama’ah among whom was Ardo Sabti, who was later martyred just before the battle of Karaye. Barde Bakure one of Alwali's bravest commanders was killed at the battle of Karaye.

At Gora before the decisive battle of Danyaya there was misunderstanding within the Jama’ah. Mallam Jamo Chief of the Sullubawa suggested that they should move eastwards and join Mallam Bakatsine who had not yet liberated Gaya but Mallam Abdurrahman Chief of the Yolawa observed that if they concentrated all their strength in one area Sarki Alwali will defeat them with the help of Sarakuna of Katsina  and Damagaram. They later reached a consensus that they should remain in the west. Mallam Dangabuwa the leader of the Jama’ah was martyred in an encounter between Jalli and Madachi. This was probably one of the reasons why historians rarely mention him except Zangi and Dr. Halil Said[32].

Sarki Alwali was later aided by the Sarkin Daura, this development frightened the Jama’ah and some of them suggested that they should move eastward and join Mallam Bakatsine whose command has just liberated the important town of Gaya but Mallam Jibril who was one of their most learned and upright scholars, admonished and advised them that they should remain and fight the decisive battle. At Danyaya the Jama’ah defeated Sarki Alwali's forces in his presence. He was unable to leave the town untill after the intervention of the Jama’ah's leaders who ordered that he should be allowed to leave since he has "experienced one of the great signs of Allah". Sarki Alwali returned to Kano and was deserted by most of his councilors.

Mallam Bakatsine did his Hijra in Wudil where the clans in the East had assembled. Sarkin Kano Alwali had earlier asked him about his position immediately after the commencement of the Jihad[33]. The other leaders of the Jama’ah also enquired through Magajin Jobe and Kaoje and Mallam Bakatsine replied that: “I believe in the Hijra just like my brothers and I shall join them”. After the Jama’ah leaders had received report from Magin Jobe and Kaoje they consulted and advised Mallam Bakatsine to enter Wudil and all the clans of the East that accepted the Shehu’s call assembled there. These clans included the Jallube who became popularly known as the Gyanawa who were led by Salihu Duttiwa and the Yaligawa led by another Salihu who was appointed Sakin Dutse to replace Gujabu after its liberation. Gaya was also liberated by this batch of Jihadists. From Gaya they moved to Aujara, which they also liberated before moving to Taura, which was more difficult as a result of shortage of food and hunger and they had to move out to Kiyawa. There were also unable to liberate Katanga where they were weakened before moving to Wamdae, which they liberated. They later moved to the strategic town of Takai whose inhabitants deserted and they took it. This news reached at Sarkin Kano Alwali and he realized that he had lost all the sectors of his kingdom so he left Kano for Rano. The Jama’ah of the East then moved to Tomas where they merged with the Western branch.

The Jama’ah's success at Danyaya gave them allot of confidence as a result of which they moved into Kasar Katsina  and Kasar Daura were they helped Umar Dallaji and Mallam Ishaq respectively in their Jihad campaigns. They were forced to return to Kano because of severe hunger. They arrived at Tomas, which was their last camp before their triumphant entry into Kano . They chose Tomas as a base because of the availability of water. The Jama’ah decided that they should restrict Sarki Alwali to Kano City . Therefore they sent an expedition under the command of Mallam Jibril, which raided Fage town on the outskirts of the City[34].

At this point Sarki Alwali was a defeated King. The Jama’ah of both east and west camped at Tomas waiting for their final entry into Kano . He therefore sent a delegation to plead with the Jama’ah which was made up of Mallam Kabara, Mallam Gabto, Dan Gwuranduma Sumailu, Mallam Jabbo al-Falati and Mallam Goja. Alwali pleaded that he was ready to accept all the conditions of the Jama’ah and that he was ready to reach them even if it was on "foot". The Jama’ah rejected this plea, because according them he was given that choice earlier but he refused and decided to fight them vigorously by forming a very large army, which they eventually defeated. They informed his Ambassadors that they shall takeover Kano on the 12th of Rabiu Awwal inshaAllah. Sarki Alwali left Kano city on the same night after the return of his representatives with the reply from the Jama’ah. He stayed in Zaria for a year and later he returned to Rano where he was killed at Burumburum in an encounter with the Jama’ah led by Mallam Bakatsine during the Emirship of Sulaiman Dan Aba Hama [35]. But other sources were of the opinion that it was Mallam Jamo who led the expedition that finally killed Alwali[36].

Establishment of the Emirate

The Shehu instructed all the Jihad leaders to meet Birnin Gada where he was represented by Muhammad Bello. The Kano Jama’ah was allowed to choose its leader who would be the Sarkin Kano. There are several versions of how the leader was chosen but this was Zangi’s version and he did not go into detail[37]. For example according to the Sullubawa oral tradition their leader Mallam Jamo was given the choice and he chose Sulaiman who was his student[38]. One of the evidence of the Sullubawa claim was that they were the custodians of the flag given by the Shehu. Zangi continued with his narration of the first four Emirates and also counted them as a continuation of the Jihad.

Sarkin Kano Sulaiman being the first Emir after the Jihad was confronted with several challenges especially from some of the Jihad leaders who committed to the ideals of the Jihad. A good example was Mallam Jibril who cautioned against entering the Gidan Rumfa (the Palace) and the Kano Chronicle quoted him saying: "if we enter the Habe's houses and beget children they will be like these Habe and do like them"[39]. Mallam Jibril was a highly respected saint and at one time the Jihad leaders even refused to meet Sulaiman except in the house of Mallam Jibril. It was perhaps this tension that Shehu Abdullahi Danfodio met when he came to Kano . The leaders also asked him to guide them in the art of government and he wrote a book for them titled Diya al-Hukam. The people of Kano heard the Tafsir of the Qur’an from Shehu Abdullahi during the month of Ramadan. He established the qiblah (direction of the Ka’abah) for the Kano mosque. Zangi drew similarity with the action of Imam Shafi’I in Cairo when he established the qiblah for al-Azhar Mosque and Zangi prayed that may Allah protect Kano, which had a similarity with Egypt from the troubles that will come in future as a result of the Arab-Israeli war[40].

Sarkin Kano Sulaiman led certain expeditions for example against Fagam and rebels such as Tumbi as a result of which he established ribats. Zangi also reported that Dantunku’s rebellion was at the planning stage. He did not start until after the death of Sarkin Kano Sulaiman on the 25^th Shawwal 1234 ( 22 August 1819 )[41]. Ibrahim Dabo who was the youngest member of the council he had succeeded his brother Mallam Jamo of the Sullubawa clan became the second Emir. According to oral sources Sulaiman had prayed that May Allah not allow any of his sons succeed him. Sulaiman’s piety is still in the memory of the people of Kano and one historian observed that: “Sulaiman, the first emir of Kano , continued to work on his own farm, and owned so little property that he lacked the sacrificial ram needed for a festival”[42]. It was Sarkin Musulmi Muhammad Bello who appointed Dabo on the 23rd/24^th Dhul Qa’ada 1234 ( September 21, 1819 ). Dabo met the greatest challenge and one of the first people to revolt was Dantunku who refused to pledge allegiance to the new Emir.

As a result of these challenges Sarkin Kano Ibrahim Dabo went into seclusion in a room that later became known as Soron Mallam in Gidan Rumfa. After that seclusion Dabo was successful in most of his battles including a rebellion by Galadima Sani cousin of his predecessor[43]. He established ribats (frontier strongholds) in various locations as fortresses against rebels and invaders[44]. Dabo became known as Cigari and he was magnanimous with rebels such as Galadima Sani[45]. He was also able to defeat Dan Tunku at Danyaya. Sarkin Musulmi Muhammad Bello demarcated the boundary between Kano and Kazaure[46]. Ibrahim Dabo Cigari commanded thirty battles against the rebels and other enemies of Kano until peace prevailed. He established justice and there was peace and prosperity as attested by Zangi and also confirmed by Clapperton. Zangi observed that: “He established justice instructed people to do good and prevented them from doing evil. He killed the highway robbers, amputated the hands of the thieves and destroyed the houses of the fornicators. It reached an extent that people no longer closed their doors at night and animals moved freely without shepherds except during the rainy season. Allah opened the routes during his reign and a lady could travel from Kukawa to Kwara without any harassment”[47]. This corroborates Clapperton’s account of the state of the Sokoto Caliphate when he visited the area during the reign of Sarkin Musulmi Muhammadu Bello: “The laws of the Qur’an were in his (Bello`s) time so strictly put in force... that the whole country when not in a state of war, was so well-regulated that it is common saying that a woman might travel with a casket of gold upon her head from one end of the Fellata dominions to the other”[48]. Clapperton also noted the prosperity in Kano and honest regulation of the market during the Emirate of Ibrahim Dabo: “The market is regulated with the greatest fairness, and regulations are strictly and impartially enforced”[49].

Sarkin Musulmi Aliyu Babba whom some historians regard as a believer in dynastic succession appointed Uthman, who was Dabo’s eldest son to succeed him in Rabi Awwal 1262 (March 1846) as Emir of Kano. The Shehu in his Kitab al-Farq[50] had condemned this type of succession.  It appeared that Sarkin Kano Dabo had become powerful and well established before his death therefore it was easy for his son to succeed him. Sarkin Kano Uthman was not as successful as his father in curtailing incursions into the Emirate this was noted by Zangi who observed that: “There were a lot of defeats in his time”[51]. Hienrich Barth who stated that Uthman was weak and was unlike his father and younger brother Abdullahi Maje Karofi also made similar observation[52]. Abdullahi Maje Karofi the second son of Sarkin Kano Dabo succeeded Uthman on the 4^th of Muharram 1272 ( 16^th September 1855 )[53]. He was a strong willed Emir who was successful in most of his battles and he consolidated Sullubawa pre-eminence in Kano especially through marriage[54]. He wrote to Queen Victoria seeking for assistance in military hardware this confirmed the multiple threats Kano was facing during his time[55]. Zangi died during Abdullahi’s emirate therefore his book terminated at that point. The Kano Chronicle also confirmed Abdullahi’s power where he was described as Abdu Sarkin Yanka when he ordered that all robbers be killed and the hands of the thieves be amputated. He also did not spare his opponents some of them were executed and others deposed[56].   

Conclusion

Zangi’s book is obviously not the only source of the history of the Jihad but this paper maintains that it is the primary source being the only book so far discovered as having link with the participants of the Jihad. Other historians made brilliant attempts of reconstructing the history of the Jihad by complimenting Zangi’s account with oral sources mostly found in district notebooks that were compiled by the colonial officers. One of the earliest dissertations that made profound contribution to the study of the Jihad was that of Dr. Halil[57]. Professor Smith also made a detailed study of the Jihad in his voluminous work[58] using interviews and other oral accounts especially of Mallam Adamu Nama’aji and Waziri Abubakar’s pioneering work, Kano ta Dabo Cigari[59].

Zangi who was a student of the Jihadist maintained the position of the Jihadist that those who were against them were non-believers this was a debated issue in the Sudan [60]. He also did not agree with even the account of the Kano Chronicle[61], which on the other hand did not even consider the Jihad as a major event but only a dynastic change in the long history of Kano [62]. Considering his milieu it was quite difficult for anyone to write differently. Even today many historians and social scientists are ideological in a more sophisticated manner[63].

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