Ngige: The Object of Power

By

Tochukwu Ezukanma

ezukanma@verizon.net

 

 

Power can be deployed as a ruthless enemy of the people, or employed as a selfless servant of the people. Power in Nigeria, is an exclusive tool of the privileged few, usually exercised at the detriment of the populace. It furthers the follies and foibles of the power elite, frustrates the legitimate aspirations of the masses, and relegates them to grinding poverty, timidity and ignorance. Rarely has political power in Nigeria served as the sentinel of the common good. What separates villainous power from altruistic power is not who wields it, or the political party in office, but the object of power. That is, is power a destructive instrument of the power elite directed at pandering to the forces of greed and insensitivity, or is it a progressive tool of governance directed at fostering collective progress, and giving the people a shared sense of worth. The political crisis in Anambra state is a clash between these two strains of power.  

 

The object of gubernatorial power as conceived by Chris Uba was to loot the state coffers, trample the public good and reinforce the exploitation and deprivations of the weak and the poor. It was to be a replication of the Mbadinuju administration where a roguish governor paid his political godfathers a preponderant chunk of the state revenue, and kept the rest for himself and his coterie of thieves. It was a situation that left the state's infrastructure crumbling, economy literally collapsing and people writhing in starvation and gloom. Evidently, the object of power as personified by Chris Ngige is to resuscitate a state completely wrecked by four years of depredation, bring hope and renewed optimism to the people of Anambra state, and liberate the masses from desperate, gateless poverty.  

 

Over the years, I had the opportunity to see, and listen to the three civilian governors of Anambra state: Chukwuemeka Ezeife, Chinwoke Mbadinuju and Chris Ngige. Ezeife is a vain man with a "big man" complex. He struck me as insensitive, supercilious, hedonic and indulgent. He seemed fixated on the perks and pomp of his office, and not on its demands and obligations. It was obvious that he had very little grasp of the problems of Anambra state, and consequently, had no serious programs for addressing them. What he lacked in the art of governance, he tried to make up with his ego tripping. He talked repeatedly about his Harvard PhD, as though degrees are ends in themselves - as though an Harvard PhD automatically made him a good governor. A Harvard PhD usually prepares one for responsibility, but how the individual chooses to handle the rigors, demands and responsibilities of life, or office is a completely different issue.   

 

Chinwoke Mbadinuju had the look of a hustler. Inspite of his supposed education, he, with his garb, hat and swagger stick, looked like some boorish trader. The master of ceremony for his reception was disgustingly obsequious. He took sycophancy to a nauseating excess. He repeatedly led the audience in a chant of "Odera", "Odera", to which Mbadinuju replied "Ode go nu". It gave the forum a semblance of a gathering of villagers paying homage to a tribal chief. Mbadinuju was visibly elated by the adulation. Glibly, he rambled on. Like a man who does the deed of the devil with the name of God on his lips, he made frequent references to God, and tried desperately, it seemed, to prove his "born again" credentials. These enhanced his credibility, and softened the aura of a swindler about him. His speech was an unctuous sales pitch. He was smooth, suave, persuasive, like a conartist.

 

Chris Ngige, on the other hand, is a compact, clean cut man with a professorial deportment. Devoid of the flamboyance and frills of the average politician, he cuts the image of a professor of mathematics or physics. His speech, unadorned with the usual politician's embroidery and hyperbole, was a presentation of facts and figures. It was an analysis of  the retrograde movement of Anambra  state over the past four years, the menace of unconscionable political godfatherism, the ravages it has wrought on the state, and his effort to revamp a groggy state reeling from years of neglect and abuse. 

 

Olusegun Obasanjo with his crude, vulgar, rustic political skills, working in concert with his political godfather, Ibrahim Babangida, that most notorious thief in the Nigerian public life, has perverted the democratic process in Nigeria . He debased the Nigerian political culture, and took electoral fraud to vertiginous heights. Elections are pre-determined, and in some cases, candidates who did not campaign even for one day are declared winners. His agents, mostly thieves, murderers and gangsters have become kingmakers, foisting their handpicked protégés on the people at different levels of government. Pathological liars, conartist and kleptomaniacs have been appointed to positions of enormous influence.

 

However, inspite of the imperfection in the system, the incontrovertible reality remains that Nigeria has a government; and just as Obasanjo is the president of Nigeria , Ngige is the governor of Anambra state. The court case challenging his election is still on going. The court is understandably the ultimate arbiter. Until there a court verdict annulling his election, his position as the governor remains inviolable.

 

The court case against Ngige is salutary for the political process in Anambra state. It strengthens democracy and transparency in the state. The Igbo are emotionally attached to APGA. The name itself, an euphony of UPGA, evokes memories of the past, a glorious past. It was when NCNC, the Igbo dominated party controlled two of the then four regions of Nigeria, and in alliance with Action Group and the progressive political parties in the North (the acronym for that political alliance was UPGA), stood poised to win power at the center. It was an era marked by Igbo political, economic and intellectual ascendancy. Secondly, APGA is a predominantly Igbo party, and its presidential candidate was Chukwuemeka Ojukwu, who, despite his excessive political baggages, retains a massive following among the Igbo. 

 

But, reality dictates that PDP has the machinery, resources, organization and intrigue waxing capabilities to win elections. It is a conflict of sentiment and pragmatism. It mirrors that perennial contest in man, between emotions and reason. It is the ability to strike a delicate balance between these two contradictory inclinations that separates the men from the boys. With PDP political intrigues and racketeering, Nigeria is fast becoming a one party nation. So, it is refreshing that there is a robust political opposition to PDP in Anambra state.

 

The promises Ngige made to his political benefactors, and the quite indecent events that pre-staged his coming to power said much less about him than the monsters with dark designs who have hijacked the PDP machinery in Anambra state. It showed that  irrespective of how decent and well meaning a gubernatorial candidate is, he was to be tarnished by these ghoulish elements and their dalliance with satanic forces. It essentially speaks volume about the vicious and cruel habits of these voracious thugs, and their unyielding resolve to terrorize and devastate a whole state, just to serve their own selfish ends. It revealed the man Olusegun Obasanjo, that mean spirited, vindictive, narrow-minded, arch-tribalist. It unveils his deep aversion for the Igbo, and his hell-bent determination to destabilizes Igboland. It exposes the power vacuum in Igboland and the blustering ruffians who are exploiting this power void.

 

Chris Uba is a criminal. His disruptive politics in Anambra state is treasonable. Ordinarily, he should be in jail, serving a life sentence, or awaiting execution. Lamentably, he continues to prance around, and not even the Igbo leadership has mustered the courage to criticize his actions. Igbo leaders are lackeys and lickspittles quaking in trepidation of their Hausa/Fulani and Yoruba masters. If the supposedly reinvigorated Ohaneze is not just a refurbished instrument of Yoruba irredentist and Hausa/Fulani hegemony, the organization should have censured Uba, and banned his entrance into Igboland. The Igbo have the brawn and will to enforce such a ban. However, it is leadership that galvanizes and channels the strength and the will of the people. 

 

It has been argued in some circles that Ngige, just like most other Nigerian politicians, is an unscrupulous power grabber. I am definitely not holding a brief for him, but it has been written that "power and virtues are constant companions only in legends and fairytales". Politics and power are not for the Mother Theresa, or the moralizing, evangelizing prigs. Mao Tse Tong once wrote that "power flows from the barrel of gun." His maxim, though, apt in the strive-riven early 20th century China , has no relevancy in many countries of the world where democracy is entrenched, or sprouting, where power "flows" from the ballot box.

 

But, even the slug for power through the ballot box is not for the weak minded and sanctimonious. A leader, especially, a political leader should have guts, backbone and guile. Those that have emerged triumphant in the politics of the world's greatest democracy, the United States of America , are the Kennedys, Nixons, Clintons, etc. These are men who are capable of expediency and cunning in the quest for power. The ripple effects of the Watergate scandal made possible the election of Jimmy Carter, a professed born again Christian and moral crusader, to the presidency. He, however, learnt the hard way that power is not for religious evangelists and sniveling softhearted prudes. It crystallized to him that the presidential dais provides a rostrum for railing a country to action, not preaching religious sermons.

 

Therefore, for my purpose, what is under scrutiny is not the circumstances of Ngige's rise to power, but what he has thus far done with his power. First, he has tried to improve the lot of the populace by paying civil servants and pensioners. Paying civil servants and pensioners is not in any way a spectacle feat. After all, the government is obligated to pay its employees. But, is the problem of the Nigerian public life not the irresponsibility of the power elite - their perverse refusal to acknowledge, respect and uphold their responsibilities and obligations?      

 

He broke out of the stranglehold of his political godfathers. They were to impose a viciously exploitative system on Anambra state. Chris Uba was motivated solely by avarice and rapine. He wants to be a medieval feudal lord. His success would have been productive of dreadful consequences. It would have continued the wholesome degradation of the quality of life in the state, and the general suffering of the people, that marked Mbadinuju's administration. In politics, there will always be powers behind the throne. Naturally, these powerbrokers make demands of their protégés once they get power. But, Uba's demands were mind-bogglingly excessive. They were demands that were to squelch life out of a state, and reduce it to destitution. 

 

A detailed statistical presentation of Ngige's achievements is beyond the scope of this writing. However, it is important to note that the multiplier effect of his consistent payments of salaries and pensions have been significant. It is nudging a rickety economy  towards re-vamping. Also in keeping with his responsibilities to the state, he is building new roads, rehabilitating old roads and other crumbling state infrastructure, improving health and education, etc. He reduced the size of his cabinet, making it more  responsive, efficient and cost effective. He has put together a highly qualified governing team, one of the best in the country. In the past, the Anambra House of Assembly confirmed the governor's appointees by demanding bribe from them, utterly disregarding their qualifications and professional experience and capabilities. In his administration, appointments and confirmation have been strictly on merit.   

 

The president of the senate, Adolphus Wabara was quoted as saying that the political problem in Anambra state was a direct result of Ngige's breach of a "gentleman's agreement". That statement was irresponsible. It is mindlessness bordering on lunacy that the president of the senate failed to see the greed, wickedness and thievery inherent in that "gentleman agreement". Wabara is a conscienceless, fly-by-night politician. He belongs to a cabal of crooks that have perfected the art of stealing from the people and murdering political opponents. Not surprisingly, he is indifferent, contemptuously indifferent to the needs of the masses, their hunger for a good life and their longing for social justice.

 

 Sheltered in the comfort of Abuja , obsessed with his own political survival, and consumed by the political agenda of his Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani overlords, he is conspicuously out of touch with reality. The reality is that after four years of coldhearted plunder by a group of fiendish characters masquerading as politicians, the people of Anambra state had suffered enough. The honoring of an earlier "gentleman agreement" by Mbadinuju reduced  Anambra state, once the jewel of Igboland to a morass of poverty,  dilapidation and despondency. Consequently, we are grateful to Ngige for dishonoring the "gentleman's agreement". His violation of that agreement revivified the state. It gave her a new lease on life, and brought normalcy and hope to the lives of so many. 

 

Wabara lacks the courage and vision of a leader. He is a servile and venal follower, a stooge of the PDP hierarchy. He epitomizes the new breed of Igbo "leaders" who owe their rise to prominence to the personal wishes and political needs of Obasanjo and the  northern feudal lords, and who lack the daring to break out of the suffocating confines of their political masters. As a result, inspite of the enormous powers of his office (the office of the senate president is an autonomous center of power), he continues to serve only at the pleasure of Obasanjo. Not surprisingly, in a crisis with far-reaching implications for both the Igbo nation and Nigeria politics, he proved himself a shameless toady, who can only echo the sentiment of his political bosses. 

 

In Anambra state, it is a struggle between good and evil, rule of law and anarchistic propensity, champions of the public good and unbridled selfish interests. The fight is between purposeful governance associated with the wellbeing of millions and the decadent opulence of a greedy few attended with abject poverty for millions. It is for the future of the state, flowery and progressive versus gloomy and retrogressive. It is between ethnic chauvinism and hate, as embodied by Obasanjo, and Igbo pride and dignity, as represented by Ngige.

 

Unlike the generality of the Igbo political elite, who cringe in fear of Olusegun Obasanjo and the powers that be, Chris Ngige, at great perils and personal risk, stood his grounds against the evil schemes of Obasanjo and his Igbo proxies. Unlike any governor, since the creation of Anambra state, he has devoted the powers and the resources of the government to the service of his people. A friend summed it up in his own words, "Ngige is God sent". While I will refrain from such gushiness, the point, however, is that Ngige represents something new, a force, powerful and avant-garde, in Igbo politics. He exemplifies those qualities desperately needed, but acutely lacking amongst Igbo leaders. He is a profile in courage, selflessness and dedication.

 

Tochukwu Ezukanma writes from Washington , DC .