Accepting Opposition: The Trade Union Bill

By

Dr. Jibo Ibrahim

5th August 2004

Jibo722003@yahoo.co.uk

 

One of the principal characteristics of democratic governance is the acceptance by ruling parties that the government has neither the monopoly of truth or correct policy prescriptions for the country. Parties in power are therefore expected to listen to and accept as legitimate the criticisms from opposition groups. These include political parties, trade unions, civil society organisations, social movements and so on, who have the right to question, oppose and indeed, seek to undermine government policies that they believe are not in the people’s interest. President Olusegun Obasanjo’s Administration has however always seen opposition in militaristic terms. The President seems to regard opposition as enemy action that must be crushed by all possible means. By so doing, the Administration deprives itself of one of the most effective instruments for positive change in a democracy – A LISTENING EAR.

One of the clearest manifestations of this unfortunate habit is the President’s relationship with the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC). It can be recalled that following last year’s strike organised by the NLC against arbitrary increase in fuel process, the President addressed the nation forcefully threatening the NLC for behaving as an opposition movement. Whether the NLC is, or is not an opposition movement, the NLC has every constitutional and indeed political right to act as an opposition movement. It is the organisation that represents the widest, the most national and the most grassroots linked movement of workers in this country. In today’s language, it is the leading stakeholder in the political economy and politics of Nigeria and has more claims to try to influence policy than any other organisation in this country. By using accusatory language to present the NLC as an opposition movement, Government is undermining its own democratic credentials.

Indeed, the issue of the President’s attitude to the NLC, much of which is related to the petroleum-pricing question, is a good indication of the democracy deficit of successive Nigerian Governments. Nigerians believe that the provision of cheap and constant supply of petrol is a legitimate expectation. Over the past twenty years, successive governments have made opposing arguments that world prices should be the main consideration in pricing petrol but have failed to convince Nigerians that they are right. The expectation that a democratically elected government would have more of a listening ear to popular expectations has been shattered by repeated escalation of petrol prices.

Nigerians are particularly incensed because the country has three refining complexes, which are more than sufficient to meet the needs of the country, (including supplies through smuggling routes to neighbouring countries). The refineries have however remained in various states of disrepair and what Nigerians knew was that the powerful cabals that got huge contracts to repair them remain unchallenged by the state. It has been extremely frustrating to Nigerians that for twenty years, successive regimes were unable to guarantee the supply of cheap petrol and kerosene, the two essential energy sources for transport and for cooking. The suspicion of Nigerians is that “state policy” not to solve this problem is rooted in the continuation of the culture of unbridled corruption. Promoting democratic governance therefore must include taking the expectations of the people seriously.

It is in this context that people are concerned about the punitive bill sent to the National Assembly to amend the Trade Unions Act. It appears punitive because the central purpose of the bill seems to be to deregister the NLC because its leadership is considered anti-government. In a sense, the position of the Government is that the NLC is the spokesperson of the people, the defender of the helpless and the champion of the common good so it must be destroyed. The positive image of the NLC therefore becomes the basis for its destruction.

In his letter to the National Assembly introducing the bill, the Government claims that since the NLC came into existence during military rule, it is therefore an undemocratic organisation that goes against current principles of liberalism. The Government therefore wants to deregister the NLC and empower the Minister of Labour to establish new labour centres. The reality however is that even the NLC is not questioning the right of other labour centres to emerge, what is being questioned the attempt to deregister the NLC as an existing labour centre.

It should be pointed out that the NLC is not a monopoly as claimed by Government. Apart from the NLC, there are two other existing and functional Labour centres in the country. They are the Trade Union Congress (TUC) and the Congress of Free Trade Union (CFTU). These three Labour centres actually jointly led the June 2004 strike and protest against the hike in the prices of petroleum products that Government is so incensed about.

The Executive bill argues that trade unionism should be “voluntary”. The truth is that trade unionism is already voluntary in Nigeria . Under the existing trade union Act, a worker can contract out of the union.  What Government is actually trying to do is to deregister all workers and ask them to re-apply for union membership through their employers so as to weaken the capacity of unions to protect the rights of workers.

The bill also seeks to economically cripple unions. It provides that a worker must give “express consent” before his union due can be deducted. The worker already consents, but what Government hopes to do is ask each worker to make written statements through the employer that his union due be deducted. This way, it hopes to intimidate some workers out of the union. If a person voluntary belongs to a union, paying union dues is a basic responsibility of the individual, so why ask the same worker to go through the bureaucracy of writing to the employer to give the authorization, which is already implied. 

The most serious problem with the proposed bill is the attempt to erode the constitutionally guaranteed right of workers to strike. The bill states that even after the worker has voluntarily decided to belong to the union and given his/her “express consent” that union dues be deducted, the employer who makes the deduction should pay the union only if they signs a “No Strike” clause. The intention of the bill therefore is to force workers to “voluntarily” give up their right to go on strike. The right to strike; the worker’s right to work or refuse to work is a fundamental human right. The United Nations, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and our country’s constitution all back these rights. Government should not allow itself propose legislation that undermine entrenched rights. This entire section of the bill clearly offends Article 40 of Chapter 4 of our Constitution, which gives Nigerians the right to freedom of association without interference.

The bill is so anti-worker that it even contradicts itself. After inserting a “No strike” clause in industrial relations. It contradicts itself by inserting another clause that strikes can only occur after two-thirds of the workers in a ballot agrees to go on strike. The hope of Government is that it would be too costly and time consuming to organize ballots for workers whenever there is the need for a strike. This provision also directly contravenes international human rights instruments we have committed ourselves to.

Finally, as we stated above, the real purpose of the bill is encapsulated by the provision that “the Registrar (of trade unions) shall remove from the register the Nigeria Labour Congress as the only Labour organization in Nigeria” As the NLC has argued, you do not have to deregister existing labour centres, to register new ones. When more political parties were registered two years ago, Government and INEC did not first deregister the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) or any other party that was in existence. What was simply done was to register new parties in addition to existing ones. So new Labour centres can exist without the NLC being deregistered.

Government should know that the spirit of Nigerians is irrepressible and even if they succeed in deregistering the NLC, that cannot guarantee industrial and social peace. With the acute crises related to issues such as hunger, shelter, education, electricity, roads, insecurity, growing mass unemployment, corruption, rising fuel prices and poverty, the voices of protest in this country will continue. The ambition of government should be to provide the dividends of democracy and not to shut up the voices of protest.