State Of Emergency : Our Stand (Vol. II). Signed by Clement D. Wubang et. al.

Forwarded by Baba Magaji

magaji287@yahoo.com

The PLATEAU PATRIOTS would like to thank Mr. President for his letter Ref: PRES/131 dated 10^th June, 2004 acknowledging the receipt of our letter addressed to him in which we presented our stand on the State of Emergency declared in Plateau State .

The President assured us that he had noted the issues raised in our letter and while awaiting Mr. President’s response and action, we have deemed it necessary to provide the following additional information to guide Mr. President in making an informed decision on the issues thrown up by the declaration of State of Emergency in Plateau State .

Since the publication of ‘STATE OF EMERGENCY : OUR STAND’ a lot of water has passed through the proverbial bridge.  We have no intention to engage these developments just yet. Our position remains that the declaration of the State of Emergency (SOE) in Plateau Sate was an injustice and possibly an act of illegality (the later point is for the courts to determine).

There is no doubt that the period before and after the SOE has exposed the pathetic weaknesses of elite groups in the State, i.e. the ruling party and government, rival parties and opposition figures, so-called elders and opinion leaders, traditional institutions and the coterie of fadawas and name droppers. The unpatriotic activities of these groups not only made the declaration of the SOE possible but seemingly justifiable. On the one hand it is arguable if the government had done its level best in meeting the aspirations of the people in terms of provision of basic necessities. But on the other hand the acrimony by contending power groups and personages, notorious for their single-minded pursuit of selfish advantages, was such that promoted divisiveness and rancour. Even in the face of the humbling imposition of the SOE, they have been unable to sober up to the challenges.. It is a tragedy that people who claim to be democrats would accept and even call for the extension of any system that is clearly a departure from the democratic norm. But it only goes to show how fragile our democratic structures in this country are. It is quite an eye-opener that there are still many people out there who would support military rule any day as long as their interests are served!

We acknowledge with gratitude and respect the views of those who, in reacting to our Volume I, wished we had dwelt more on the internal causes necessitating the declaration of the State of Emergency in the state. Such an exercise, going by the increasing predilection of our rancorous elite to ride roughshod over our collective interests, is long over due. But the time for that will come. Faced with the unjust national censure, as it were, we have a more urgent concern to inform the whole world about the true situation of things in our State. Our people as a collective have been unjustly stigmatized as villains, rather than the victims they are, in the decades-old struggle they have been engaged in against anti-democratic and feudalist elements that seek their domination and enslavement. To dwell exclusively on the elite crisis in Plateau State at this time is impolitic. Folk wisdom teaches us to always drive away the hawk first before we come back to chastise the chicks for wandering far into the field. 

Consequently, it has become imperative at this moment to state in clear terms that: -

-                     Plateau State has an enviable record of communal peace and religious tolerance more than any state of the federation.  This fact is yet to be appreciated.

-                     The peace loving indigenes of Plateau State have been living in absolute peace with one another. They have also been living in peace with all other diverse nationalities and ethno-religious groups resident in the State with the notable exception of the Muslim Hausa/Fulani ethno-religious category, the self-styled Jasawa.

-                     Despite provocation, intimidation, harassment and outright contempt for the constituted authority of Plateau State by this group, the collective effort of the people resulted in the return of peace after the September 7, 2001 crisis, which pitted them against the indigenes.

-                     The declaration of the state of emergency in Plateau State, has not only undermined the gamut of the self propelled achievements in the direction of restoring peace, but has justified and made paramount a collective perspective to the call for a national sovereign  national conference (SNC) in the wake of the selective approach to the application or condemnation of indigene/settler rights by Mr. President in his May 18, 2004 broadcast.

Given the foregoing, we wish to acquaint the public with the following facts by proceeding illustratively.

TOLERANCE IS STRENGTH NOT WEAKNESS

In the wake of the state of emergency, the opinion has caught on that Plateau State represented a fault line in the fragmented structure of the Nigerian plural society.  This perspective views the resort to such drastic action of imposing  SOE by Mr. President as aimed at testing the will of the citizens of Plateau State considering their tolerant disposition.

The charges of intolerance and so-called genocide by Mr. President were mere rationalization of the indefensible action intended to give the false impression that the reprisal attack of May 3, 2004 in Yelwan Shendam was the beginning and peak of ethno-religious crisis in Plateau State . 

Contrary to this, the following sequence of events unveils the true position on ground.

a)              Systematic and coordinated attacks by the Hausa/Fulani Militias on Plateau people from September 2001 – May 2004.

The incidents of the ethno-religious violence in Plateau State are a compendium of facts, which point to a coordinated and orchestrated plot against the indigenes. Mindful of our collective responsibility of finding lasting peace in our state, we hold the view that such a task must proceed from the position of facts. If we cannot face the truth about these happenings then we are not yet ready to make peace. The alternative is to ignore the facts and to build castles of peace in the air.   

As we stated in our Volume I, “ events … tend to suggest that the crisis in Yelwa town is the sequence of a long drawn out insidious plot hatched and coordinated from outside, with the peace loving people of Plateau State as the primary target”. 

The table below provides the substantiation of this statement:

*       All these are within the Northern Senatorial district of Plateau State.

*       There was then  a systematic switch from the Northern senatorial zone to the South.

CHRONOLOGY OF ATTACKS ON CHRISTIAN SETTLEMENTS BY YELWA MUSLIMS AND THEIR VISITING MILITIA BEFORE THE REPRISAL ATTACK OF 2^ND MAY, 2004

*NOTE:  These attacks were carried out on the day the state of Emergency was being declared.

These facts are in the public domain and we expect that these will form the basis of discussions and decisions aimed at finding lasting solution to the ethno-religious violence in the State by all stakeholders. It is possible that some incidents are not recorded above but that would be inadvertent.

The gruesome murder of Taroh elders allegedly in the Emir of Wase’s palace, the Hamale incident and attack of the Governor’s entourage on the 10^th November, 2003, and the killing of former Vice President of the Church of Christ in Nigeria (COCIN), Rev. Bitrus Manjang, were enough provocation to cause an ethno-religious war any where. But the restrained spirit of the indigenous people prevailed once again.

On a scale of measurement what could the Hama Bachama have done so wrong as to lose his throne in Numan recently, at the behest of Abuja ,  while the Emir of Wase still occupies his seat even in the face of serious allegations of multiple murder in his palace? Perhaps, it is such “tolerance” that has brought us to our present predicament.

When the former Vice President of COCIN, the denomination of a predominant section of the Christian majority, along with members of his family were murdered the more than “tolerant” Government hatched the lie that it was armed bandits that did it. Where in this country will you find this level of tolerance, spirit of forgiveness and passionate resort to the path of peace even against all odds?

b) Contempt and defiance against constituted authority in Plateau State by the Hausa/Fulani Muslims

In our Volume I, we quoted extensively from a document prepared from a seminar organized by African Leadership Forum (ALF), which is a brainchild of General Olusegun Obasanjo. In the seminar on the theme “The Settler Question in Nigeria : the Case of Jos-Plateau State,” it was observed rather prophetically: “…the closure of streets by both Christians and Muslims on Sundays and Fridays respectively is capable of heightening tension in the society.” The participants recommended that it must be legislated against by the State. 

It would be recalled that the September 7, 2001 crisis in Jos, resulted from the irresponsible manner in which an access road in a part of the town was blocked during Friday Jummat prayers.

 As a step towards forestalling a future reoccurrence, the state government among other measures banned the blocking of roads during religious prayers by any group and outlawed the use of externally mounted loud speakers on worship buildings.

Since then all religious groups immediately complied with the exception of the Hausa/Fulani Muslims, who till date engage in this act with reckless abandon. This does not only threaten peace and security, but serves as a potential time bomb.

Where else in this country will you find a pocket of minority elements like the Hausa/Fulani in Jos masking under the pretext of religion to undermine authority?  In any case, how many churches are there within the traditional confines of Sokoto, Kano and Zaria cities? Even where permitted, are they allowed to function properly talk less of constituting themselves into a parallel authority?  Yet, Plateau indigenes are today unfairly chastised as xenophobic and bigots who only a SOE can tame.

c)   Ubiyal Ward a “No go area” for Christians in Plateau State  

The Ubiyal area is today popularly known as Unguwan Rogo.  It is located directly behind the University of Jos , Bauchi Road Campus.  It was known to have quartered the entire bulk of off-campus students and staff of the University. It is on record that the highest non-Muslim/Non Hausa/Fulani casualty during the September 7 violence came from this area.

An important historical fact about this settlement was that it grew in size and population from the early1970s to the mid- eighties.  The reason was that the victims of the Jimeta-Yola Maitatsine riots re-settled there.  Since the September 2001 crisis, the area has been tagged “New Zamfara” and to this day no Christian can pass through without molestation. The palpable hostility towards the indigenes and members of other religions makes talks about resettling in this area by former residents an idle chatter.

 With the exception of COCIN Church , which perhaps because of its proximity to the main road and heavy security presence has been reoccupied, no other church exists in the area.  It is common knowledge that Sunday Services at the COCIN Church are held under tight security amidst intimidation and harassment by Hausa/Fulani Muslim militants. 

d)  The Senator of the Central Plateau District

The Central Senatorial Zone of Plateau State can be described the most Christian populated part of the state.  It comprises of Bokkos (99% Christian), Mangu (95%), Pankshin (99%), Kanke (99%) and Kanam (equally mixed).  This is the demography of the constituency that elected Alhaji Ibrahim Nasiru Mantu, the only Muslim Senator from the State. The symbolic significance of his candidature is that Christians elected him in 1999 and 2003(?) against other Christian contenders.  This singular act is an open demonstration of the character and quality of tolerance of the indigenes of Plateau State and their broad mindedness towards other religions.

At the state level, a respected Muslim was appointed as minister representing the state without protest from the people.  This is exemplary in the Northern part of the country where members of the Christian minority ethnic groups have been denied portfolios even in their respective State Cabinets. The indigenous non-Muslim Maguzawa groups in Katsina, Kano and Jigawa States have been consistently left out from the executive councils of their respective states.  In spite of the substantial indigenous Christian population in Borno, Yobe and Bauchi they are hardly represented in the decision- making bodies in the states.

e)    The dramatic Visit of Plateau State delegation to the 200 years of Jihad celebration at Sokoto.

On the occasion of the celebration of 200 years of the establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate, formal invitation was extended to some traditional rulers in Plateau State .  Apparently, out of the spirit of forgiveness and reconciliation, a delegation was sent including four prominent traditional rulers.  They were the Long Goemai, Emir of Wase, Miskaham Mwaghavul and Gbong Gwom Jos.  When the team arrived Sokoto as guests to the state government and the Caliphate they were taken to an office to await the arrival of other invitees before meeting the Sultan. After the other guests arrived they met with the Sultan.  After the exchange of pleasantries, the Sultan excused himself and walked away with the Emirs of Kano and Zaria never to come back.  When it got late, the Plateau delegation inquired about accommodation arrangements only to be informed that there was nothing for them except for the Emir of Wase. They left for Jos late that night.

That is the extent of contempt with which the Caliphate still holds our indigenous institutions. Is it any wonder then that the peaceful disposition of our ethnic communities has gone unreciprocated by the feudal establishment and its entourage?

Given the above matrix, it is abundantly clear to any objective observer that tolerance and peace making are second nature to the people of Plateau State .  Ironically, rather than being appreciated they have been singled out for reprimand by the declaration of SOE.

HAVEN OF PEACE

In the tradition of American States all states in Nigeria have mottos, which   defines their essence or some values they aspire to. It is debatable whether these mottos came from any real forethought or were catch phrases arbitrarily invented by the Federal Road Safety Commission (FRSC) whose duty it was to come up with attractive vehicle number plates for the States. Whatever its origin the appellation for Plateau State as “Home of Peace and Tourism” is not only apt but also grounded in history.

Time without number the tolerant disposition of the people has made Jos the political rendezvous of Nigeria . From the colonial days it had played host to political gatherings of all shades and tendencies within the political firmament of the nation.

 It was in Jos city that the extreme left Northern Elements Progressive Union  (NEPU), led by the late indefatigable leader of the Northern underclass, Malam Aminu Kano, adopted its famous SAWABA Declaration during  its Congress meeting in 1950.

Paradoxically, it was also in Jos that the NEPU’s arch-rival, the conservative Northern People’s Congress (NPC) met in April 1954 and adopted Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, who later became the Premier of the Northern Region, as its leader.

In later days, Chief Moshood Abiola emerged as the Presidential candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) at its congress meeting in Jos in 1992.  He was unquestionably leading at the 1993 poll count until the military government of General Ibrahim Babangida announced the annulment of the election. 

Again, it was in Jos that President Olusegun Obasanjo bagged the ticket of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and went on to win the 1999 polls. Ironically, not long before then he was an inmate of the Jos Prison having been convicted of a coup plot against General Sani Abacha. He was moved from Jos to his final point of incarceration in Yola after words filtered into the ears of the military strongman that he was getting too cozy in the balmy weather of the city and the affable embrace of the people of Plateau.

In addition to its rich political heritage the State also prides itself as, to borrow Nelson Mandela’s connotation, the Rainbow State . It boasts of a rich cultural tapestry whose origin dates back to the tin mining rush at the turn of the century. The State is a melting pot of diverse ethnic, religious, cultural, and racial groups. Jos, the capital, is reputed as the most cosmopolitan city outside Lagos and, perhaps, Port Harcourt . Apart from the substantial presence of foreign nations, it is home to virtually every other nationality in the country. 

What is remarkable is that with the exception of one group, the Hausa Fulani self-styled Jasawa, all these groups have been living together in peace and harmony. For years this stood it out as an example of communal peace to other Nigerians. Indeed, given these antecedents, Plateau has always provided the direction of forging a common national identity. It was not entirely fortuitous that when the nation was threatened with dismemberment Plateau people not only provided the nation with the leadership to go-on-with-one-Nigeria but the bulk of the fighting forces to keep the country one.

Plateau State has earned its reputation as the home of peace and no stratagem and scheming, SOE notwithstanding, can rob it of this reputation.

SETTLER/INDIGENE RELATIONSHIP

The crisis in Plateau State , which reared its head in September 2001 and climaxed with what the President referred to as “mutual genocide” in Yelwan Shendam has renewed debate on the use of the terms “settlers” and “indigenes” in the political lexicon of Nigeria .  From the President’s speech of May 18, 2004 one gets the erroneous impression that these terms were invented in Plateau State .

As we pointed out in Volume I, the President ought to know better.  As far back as 1993 he had acknowledged these as national problematic.  Speaking at a seminar organized by the African Leadership Forum, of which he was the Founder/President, he observed that the issue of settler/indigene dichotomy had “hardened into a theory” and propagated by the political elite as a means of “economic and political control”.

Therefore, we consider it not only disingenuous but also hypocritical for the President to have accused the people of the State of discrimination on the basis of the settler/indigene dichotomy.  Especially so, when at the said seminar on “The Settler Question in Nigeria: The Case of Jos – Nigeria” participants observed that the “natives and non-natives relationship is a variant of the National Question and therefore applauded the hospitality posture of the indigenous communities in Jos and lamented unparalleled attitude of Nigerians in other parts of the country”.

If within a short span of 10 years the same “indigenous communities in Jos” have now been selected for exemplary punishment for intolerance against “non-natives”, then something must have gone very wrong.  We shall return to this point presently.

As the ALF seminar acknowledges, the hospitable posture of the indigenes of Plateau State is indeed unparalleled anywhere else in the federation.   But that is not to say that tension between the indigenes and all groups of “non-natives” was absent.  In fact, the communal disturbances between the indigenous Berom and the Hausa Fulani settlers in Gyero in Bukuru, near Jos, in 1993 provided the rationale for hosting the ALF seminar in Jos.

The participants noted this “continuous ethnic polarization” and blamed some groups of non-natives for the trend. It therefore pointed out in non-ambiguous terms “non-natives must recognize and respect the culture, customs and traditions of the host community.”

It goes further to suggest that in order to facilitate “balanced recognition to the settlers…they should demonstrate ample evidence of integration.”  This is a very poignant point, as we shall soon see.

If we appear to have dwelt too much on the report of African Leadership Forum, it is because it raised many points that are germane not only to the understanding of the tiff between the settlers and indigenes in Plateau but also providing useful suggestions to solving it.   Whether Mr. President still stands by this document prepared by his non-governmental organization (NGO) 11 years ago or not, it is in the public domain and so long as it offers helpful suggestions to a way out of the present quagmire, we ought to benefit from it.

The issue of ‘indigeneity” is a constitutional issue. Section 147 of the 1999 constitution has this to say among other provisions governing the appointment of Ministers: “Provided that in giving effect to the provisions aforesaid the President shall appoint at least one Minister from each state, who shall be an indigene of such state”.

So, Mr. President, after all the high falutin grammar, the Constitution does recognize there are ‘indigenes’!

On a recent state visit to Jigawa State the President, apparently eager to please his Hausa Fulani audience, publicly denied the existence of the concept of indigeneship in our Constitution.  His elated listeners cheered him. Following closely on the heels of the President’s declaration, was the widely publicized statement of Governor Saminu Turaki that all notable Nigerians are settlers. He went on to postulate that even Jesus Christ and Prophet Mohammed were settlers.  We will focus more on this, presently. Soon after Saminu’s statement, the Vice President Atiku Abubakar echoed the President, saying that although his own parents came from Kano he was not a settler in Adamawa State .

But why this sudden upsurge in the number of spin doctors from high places?  Is this part of the justification for the imposition of a state of emergency in Plateau State ?  Even then, can the settler/indigene question be settled by the imposition of a state of emergency in Plateau State ?

In our Volume I, we had argued that the SOE in Plateau State was enacted to please the Hausa/Fulani settlers in Jos and the entire Caliphate.  This perhaps explains the zealousness of President Obasanjo to choose Jigawa to publicly condemn indigeneship, a principle that is entrenched in our constitution.  That he chose to do so only weeks after the Northern Council of Ulama had stampeded him into declaring a state of emergency over Plateau State shows his determination to please the Hausa/Fulanis.

Visiting Jigawa State only a few days after the vicious execution of hundreds of non-Muslims by Hausa Fulani Islamic fundamentalists in Kano , the next door State, statecraft demanded the President’s speech to focus more on condemning such horrendous crime against humanity than the non-issue of indigeneship. 

The truth is that the indigene/settler question, like many aspects of the National Question cannot be settled on the pages of newspapers, book launchings, or in Presidential after dinner speeches.  These are deep-seated issues that ought to be carefully considered and the solutions provided should be satisfactory to all the stakeholders to the Nigerian project.  These are issues bordering on national sovereignty and the constitutional grundnorm. They cannot be dictated by the political expediency of a sitting President pandering to sentiments of the dominant ethnic groups. 

The writers of our constitution clearly retained the concept of indigeneship in our constitution to protect minority rights.  It is aimed at redistributing opportunities and limiting the monopoly over national benefits, which the ethnic troika of Hausa/Fulani, Yoruba and Igbo, have come to regard as a matter of right. Ensconced in the so-called WAZOBIA parlance, many governments see the federation as the exclusive balance of the interests of these three major ethnic groups. But the imperative of achieving national unity, social equity and restitution demands that all the constituents of a federation be involved in the affairs of the nation especially the sharing of power. This is especially so when the ethnic minorities on a scale far outweigh the majority groups in total population.

It is for this reason that the writers of our constitution entrenched the concept of Federal Character in the 1979 Constitution, which has been repeated in the 1999 Constitution.  The idea was borrowed from the American constitutional principle called affirmative action, which is meant to deliberately provide opportunities to disadvantaged groups. Although such disadvantaged groups included ethnic minorities, in the Nigerian experience the greatest beneficiaries were the Hausa Fulani whose educational backwardness necessitated the enshrinement of the principle in the first place. Indeed through its operation they were able to gain admission into universities, be admitted into boards of blue-chip companies and banks as well as bag political appointments.

It is ironic that having gained so much from Federal Character principle, and its implied notion of indigeneship, the same people are now talking from both sides of their mouths. But as long as ethnic minorities still suffer disadvantages based on population this principle remains a cardinal instrument of engineering social equity.

The Federal Character of Nigeria refers to the distinctive desire of the peoples of Nigeria to promote national unity, foster national loyalty and give every citizen of Nigeria a sense of belonging to the nation.

Section 14(3) of the Constitution provides that:

“The composition of the Government of the Federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the Federal Character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity and also to command national loyalty and thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that government or any of its agencies.”

Section 14 (4) lays down similar conditions for the states and local governments.  Recognizing the multi-ethnic, and multi-religious nature of Nigeria the section enjoins decision makers to “recognize the diversity of the people within its area of authority” to ensure proportionate equitable representation of all persons in government.

Thus at the Federal level, factors to be considered include a person’s state of origin, ethnic and religious group. At the local government level, the factors include political constituency, ethnicity and religion.

This is how the word “indigene” entered the Constitution in respect of the appointment of Ministers as quoted above.

To realize this provision, Decree 34 of 1999 put a Federal Character Commission in place. This further elaborated on the scope of the Federal Character principle, expanding beyond what it meant under the 1979 constitution.

Section 4 (1) (a) empowers the Federal Character Commission:

To work out an equitable formula… for the distribution of all cadres of posts in the civil and the public service of      the Federation and of the states, Armed forces, the Nigerian Police and other security agencies, bodies corporate owned by the Federal or State Government and Extra Ministerial Departments and Parastatals of the Federations and states.

The principle of representation extends to bureaucratic, economic, media and political posts at all levels of government and the private sector.  The decree also includes the distribution of socio-economic services amenities and infrastructural facilities.  Section 4 (1) (d) (ii) provides that the Commission is to work out modalities and schemes for “redressing imbalances and reducing the fear of relative deprivation and marginalization in the Nigerian system of Federalism as it obtains in the public and private sector.”  On account of the significance of the mandate of the Federal Character Commission, Schedule 3, Part I, Paragraph C of the 1999 constitution reproduces these provisions.

The point simply is that indigeneship is part of our constitutional concept. It cannot be scrapped by a Presidential fiat merely to please the majority ethnic groups. Without this principle it would be very hard for the minority ethnic groups access to public offices and resources especially at the Federal and State levels.

This principle may not now be popular with some members of the majority groups however it is a constitutional principle that must be defended by all minority ethnic groups in the face of an iniquitous WAZOBIA federation.

GOVERNOR SAMINU TURAKI’S POSERS

Following in the footstep of those who would want to distort the “settler” issue and make it appear as a Plateau problem, the Governor of Jigawa State, Ibrahim Saminu Turaki, as mentioned above, purporting to be writing on behalf of “Northern Governors” published an advertorial in many national newspapers captioned  “FOOD FOR THOUGHT FOR NORTHERNERS.”

It reads:

·        ARE YOU A CHRISTIAN?

Then you must be aware that Jesus Christ who was born in Nazareth eventually migrated to Jerusalem , making him a “settler” indigene (sic) of Jerusalem .

·        ARE YOU A MUSLIM?

If you are then you obviously know that Prophet Muhammed migrated (hijra) from Mecca to Medina . To underline the importance of this migration, the Islamic Calendar is based on that date when he became a “settler” in Yathrib.

·        Coming nearer home, Mujaddadi Sheikh Uthman Danfodio’s forebears came from Futa Toro in present day Senegal and he himself was born in Marata in Niger Republic but migrated to Sokoto and became a “settler” in that historic city. His grandson, the revered Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello became the Premier of Northern Nigeria at the most critical point of its history.

·        You must also have been told that the respected Dr. R.A.B. Dikko the first medical doctor of Northern Nigeria origin was a “settler” in Zaria but that did not prevent his daughter Mrs. Pamela Sadauki from becoming the deputy governor of Kaduna State .

·        General (Dr.) Yakubu Gowon’s parents from Kabwir in Plateau State , migrated to Wusasa in Zaria . Gen Gowon is now an indigene of Zaria in Kaduna State (not Plateau as is erroneously attributed) and contested an election from there in 1993. His brother even became the Chief of Wusasa.

·        Do you still remember that Alhaji Sabo Bakin Zuwo was a Nupe whose parents settled in Kano ? Well, he became an elected governor of Kano in 1983. Alhaji Tanko Yakassai is Jukun who also settled in Kano but now a proud indigene of Kano .

·        Not to talk of both Generals Ibrahim Babangida and Abdulsalami Abubakar both former heads of state whose forebears were from Kano but now indigenes of Minna after having settled there.

These are only a few examples.

Fellow compatriots, the North has always been ahead compared to others in regards to this very attribute of advancement and development. We share a history and have come a long way together through thick and thin. Our heterogeneity is our strength. Killing each other now only weakens us further and the fabric of the Nigerian community to which we belong.

We must resolve to continue to live together in peace and harmony

 for the betterment of our today and our children’s tomorrow.

Although on the face value these posers may look convincing the advertorial is mere product of sophistry.  The only reason we are commenting on it is because it contains some dangerous insinuations that if not addressed would distort the reality of inter-communal and inter-faith relations in the North.

We shall take the points one by one in order to demonstrate how misleading the posers indeed are:

·        JESUS CHRIST: Governor Turaki should tell us how Jesus came to be born in a manger in Bethlehem in the first place since Joseph his earthly “father” was not domiciled in the town. This is how the Holy Bible explains it: In those days Caesar Augutus issued a decree that a census should be taken of the entire Roman world (This was the first census taken when Quirinius was governor of Syria ) And everyone went to his own town to register. So Joseph also went up from the town of Nazareth in Galilee to Judea , to Bethlehem the town of David , because he belonged to the house and line of David. He went there to register with Mary…. While they were there the time came for the baby to be born, and she gave birth to her first-born, a son.” Mark 2, 1 -7.    

·        PROPHET MUHAMMED: We shall deliberately refrain from joining issues on this until such a time that some of our Muslim brothers develop a more tolerant disposition towards others’ comments on the Prophet. We have seen how over and over again this has been the cause of bloodletting riots in the North ( see Volume I) and we are not about to put the life of any Nigerian at risk by responding to Governor Saminu Turaki on this point.

·        SHEIK UTHMAN DANFODIO: It is true that Danfodio founded an Islamic Caliphate in Sokoto whose 200^th anniversary was celebrated recently with pomp and pageantry. Congratulations. But if Saminu and his fellow ‘Northern Governors’ could stomach a difference of perspective within the North, they ought to know that there are many ethnic communities that would have wished that Danfodio’s forebears had remained at Futa Toro. This is because the Jihad wars he unleashed not only brought destruction and slavery to their doorsteps but also continue to poison communal relations between them and their neighbors to this day.

·        Dr.R.A.B. DIKKO: Governor Saminu was economical with the truth; he did not say all about Dr.Dikko. He was Hausa Fulani. He was also Christian. He was the founder of the Northern People’s Congress (NPC) on whose platform the Sardauna rode to become Premier of the Northern Region. What happened to Dr. Dikko later is revealing about the tolerance Northern Christians receive from their northern “brothers.” Dr. Dikko spent his later years as a resident doctor in the rural town of Kafanchan having been banished by the powers that be in Kaduna . Appointing Mrs. Sadauki a deputy governor in Kaduna State , many years later, is little comfort for many Christians who face daily discrimination in the hands of their fellow citizens for no justifiable reason than that they belong to a different religion. In any case why shouldn’t the woman married to a Kaduna indigene be a Deputy Governor of the state?What’s new,guv?

·        GENERAL (DR.) YAKUBU GOWON: Governor Saminu informs us that Gowon contested election in Zaria in 1993 but failed to tell us the outcome. Under the Option A4 gradualist Presidential candidacy, he could not even scale pass his Tukur Tukur ward in Wusasa. A little known Hausa Fulani Muslim doctor thrashed this former Head of State who ruled this nation for nine years. Was he so unpopular? No, he was only naïve. Ten years earlier during one of the religious riots by Muslim fundamentalists, some youths had attempted to exhume his late father’s remains arguing that they would not allow “kafiri’s” remains on their land. Daniel Gowon must have been some token chief in Wusasa but this did not deceive the more perceptive Dr. Dauda Gowon. When he decided to run for the Senate in 2003  he didn’t go to Wusasa but returned to his Kabwir people to seek their votes.

·        SABO BAKIN ZUWO AND TANKO YAKASSAI: If Alhaji Sabo could win Kano State and Gowon lose Tukur Tukur Ward it could only mean that his voters found him more acceptable or integrated. In a milieu of multi-fated pluralism, identity could be fluid so factors of integration may at times transcend ethnicity. To the best of our knowledge, Alhaji Sabo was never a speaker of the Nupe language. Neither does Alhaji Tanko speak the  Jukun language. Their basis of integration in the Kano society is religion. After all the revered Dr. Chris Abashiya, of Hausa Fulani parentage, is not only a highly placed Kwoi elder but for a long time occupied the exalted position of President-General of the Southern Kaduna People’s Union (SOKAPU).His Christian identity is the basis for his integration in that society.

·        GENERAL IBRAHIM BABANGIDA AND ABDULSALAMI ABUBAKAR: For these important personages, we refer to the position of a leading historian, Professor Monday Mangvwat, who, to paraphrase him liberally, once wrote that if one is rich enough one could be a citizen of any town of one’s    choice. The real owners of land are not the peasants but those who erect mansions and post the warning “Do not trespass!’ The easiest way to end in prison is not to heed such warnings. Yet, the real measure of the integration of the Generals in their town of domicile is the extent to which they respect and support the natives of the land. Anyone who has witnessed the transformation of Minna from a rural outback to a modern city cannot fail to appreciate the contribution of these “settlers.” This perhaps explains why they are brought up as examples.[ In any case it is news to us that Babangida is from Kano . The man to our knowledge has never made a claim to that city].

The question that needs to be asked at this point is, which concept of citizenship is Governor Turaki defending?  Is it the secular concept of citizenship which is entrenched in our constitution and which assures equality of all citizens irrespective of ethnicity, sex or religion?  Or is it citizenship under the Shari’ah which classifies citizenship into four major classes namely Muslim men, women, non Muslim Jews, Christians and lastly animist? In other words, citizenship under the Shari’ah law in glaringly discriminatory.

For example, Abdullahi Ahmed an-Na’im, a scholar of traditional Islamic law, has summarized the applicable rules in this fashion.

(1)            If a person chooses to become a Muslim, or is born and raised as a Muslim, then he or she will have full rights of citizenship in an Islamic state…  However, once a Muslim or officially classified as such, a person will be subject to the death penalty if he or she becomes an apostate, that is, one who persists in repudiating his or her faith in Islam…

(2)            If a person chooses to be or remain a Christian, Jew, or believer in another scriptural religion, as defined by Shari’ah – one ahl al-kitab, the people of the Book or believers in divine scripture who are called dehimmis – he or she will suffer certain limitations of rights as a subject of an Islamic state.  Dhimmis are not supposed to enjoy complete legal equality with Muslims.

(3)            If a person is neither a Muslim nor one of ahl al-kitab, as defined by Shari’ah, then that person is deemed to be an unbeliever (khafir or mushrik).  An unbeliever is not permitted to reside permanently, or even temporarily according to stricter interpretations, in peace as a free person within the territory of an Islamic state except under special permission for safe conduct (aman).  In theory, unbelievers should be offered the choice of adopting Islam, and if they reject it they may be killed in battle, enslaved, or ransomed if captured.

So, having jettisoned the secular concept of citizenship contained in 1999 constitution through the introduction of the Shari’ah legal system in their states, which concept of citizenship is Saminu and the other northern Governors defending?

SAMINU’S UNCANNY MOTIVES

Having dealt with Saminu’s examples we ought to also question his motive.  His conclusion is that we (‘Northerners’) have come a long way together and that killing” each other NOW (our emphasis)” only weakens us.  This is preposterous!  In the uncountable religious riots that have engulfed the North, where Christians have been slaughtered, Northerners, yes Christian ‘Northerners’ have never been spared.  So just how have we “come a long way together”? Or do killings in the North educe concern from Saminu and the “Northern Governors” only when the victims are Muslims, like the reprisal killings of Muslims in Yelwa?

This is precisely the point we made in the Volume I; we catalogued some of the religious disturbances (between 1978 and 1999) that have made hellish existence for the Christian in the North.  None of this outraged the authorities until the reprisal attack in Yelwa, which produced Muslim victims. Because Christians in the North have had put up with these bloodletting, in their endless quest for communal harmony, it does not mean that they are not hurting. A local proverb says that even if the witch has forgotten about the death of the child she caused many years ago, the child’s mother still remembers!

Before the “Northern Governors” mislead the Nigerian and international publics about our coming “a long way together”, the PLATEAU PATRIOTS wish to place on record the following dossier (compiled form both local and international sources) of violence and persecution of Christians in the North since the governors’ coming to power in 1999.

April 22, 2003 – A pastor and six of his family members were killed in Kano in a house fire which was believed to have been set by Muslim militants.  Pastor Mudumere was known as a powerful preacher who even converted many Muslims.  Madumere’s wife and three children were killed in the fire as well as two other men believed to be relatives. (Compass Direct).

December 26, 2002 – An armed Muslim mob attacked Christians concluding a Christmas celebration in Bauchi.  The Celestial Church of Christ and many Christian homes were burned as Christians fled to police and army barracks for safety.  Police were able to intervene and stop the attack.  (Compass Direct).

November 20-21,2002 – Angry Muslims went on a rampage in Kadoka and Kino after an article in the This Day newspaper suggested that the prophet Muhammad would probably have married a contestant from the Miss World pageant scheduled to be held in Abuja.  Muslim mobs ransacked the newspaper’s office and then began to attack Christian targets, damaging up to 20 churches.  Over 200 people were killed and 1,200 were injured in the attacks.  Non-Muslims were reportedly singled out and stabbed, bludgeoned, or even burned to death.  (Barnabas Fund, CSW)

October 31, 2002 – A clash over student elections at the Federal College of Education in Zaria ended in the death of 20 Christian students.  Fifty other Christians were injured.  Muslim militants are believed to have helped Muslim students during the violence. (Compass Direct).

August 13, 2002 – The government of Kano State told a Church delegation that half of the Churches in the state must be closed because of Muslim complaints about “too many churches.”  Church leaders refused to consent to the government’s demands.  At least 20 Churches have been destroyed in Kano over the past 3 years. (Compass)

 August  2002 -  The governor of Zamfara announced that all residents, including Christians, to enhance the Islamic faith, must speak the Arabic language.  The governor had previously introduced the Shari’ah law as well.  (Compass Direct)   Furthermore, “introduced a different regime of fees for non-indigenes in its educational system.”. (The Sun 25/06/04).

June 6, 2002 – A Christian police officer in Katsina state was clubbed to death by a mob of Muslims after being accused of trampling a Koran.  The police officer had warned a Muslim preacher to stop inciting violence against Christians.  Afraid of being arrested, the preacher fabricated the Koran story to provoke the crowd. (Compass)

May – June, 2002 – At least 75 Christians were arrested in Niger State for opposing the state’s Islamic Shari’ah law.  (Compass)

May 2002 – The whereabouts of two Christians being charged with apostasy is unknown (see April 2002 below).  Lawali Yakubu and Ali Jafaru disappeared after a judge refused to sentence them to death.  It is believed that an Islamic monitoring group has decided to take the law into its own hands. (Compass)

April 8 – 22, 2002 – At least seven churches in Kano state were destroyed by authorities.  There is a growing trend in states that have accepted Shari’ah law to destroy Christian churches on the pretext that the churches have violated building codes.  Christians believe it is a step toward wiping out the Christian faith in northern Nigeria. (Compass)

April 2002 – Two Christians in Zamfara State were tried on the charge of apostasy, converting from Islam to Christianity.  According to Islamic law, the penalty for apostasy is death, though it is unclear whether state law makes this applicable or not.  However, the two Christians Lawali Yakubu and Ali Jafaru, claim they were never Muslims to start with.  The two belong to a sub-division of the predominately Muslim Hausa ethnic group that has practiced Christianity for many years.  (Ananova).

February 27, 2002 – Muslims in Ilorin turned violent while celebrating Eid-el-Kabir and began attacking Christians.  Three Christians were killed in the violence.  The Muslims demanded the implementation of Shari’ah in Kwara State. (Compass)

February  2002 – The Kano state government revealed that they had closed down 122 Christian schools for failing to meet state requirements.  The requirement in question is the compulsory study of Islam.  Christian schools have refused to allow Muslim clerics in to their schools, thus risking closure.  Public schools in Kano outlaw the teaching of Christian religion.  (Compass)

February 24, 2002 – Christian Esther Bulus was kidnapped from her school by four Muslims who slit her throat and left her to die.  Esther had refused to marry a politician in Gombi because he was Muslim.  The man is believed to have arranged her murder.  (Compass)

January 2002 – Two churches in Zamfara state were closed after the state government decided there were “too many churches.”  The first state to introduce Islamic Shari’ah law, Zamfara has also marked out 14 other churches for future closure and destruction.  The Churches already closed were the Anglican Church in Kaura Namoda and the Evangelical Church of West Africa in Anka.  (Compass)

December 10, 2001 – Truck driver Uche Nwama was killed for allowing the exhaust from his truck to drift into an open-air Islamic meeting.  Islamic militants claimed the exhaust had desecrated the Quran.  (Compass)

October 14 –18, 2001 – As a result of anti-American protests in Kano, 600 Christians are missing and another  350 were killed.  At least five churches were burned during the resulting riots.  (Compass)

October 7, 2001 – Muslim youths assaulted three Churches and 10 Christian-owned shops outfitted with gas bombs, in the city of Kaduna , setting fire to the buildings.  (CWN)

September 7-17 , 2001 – Seven Churches have been demolished, six churches set ablaze, fifty-four churches given demolition notices, and seventeen churches demolished by the government, in the Kano state, Nigeria .  The government stated all churches in Shagari quarters of Kano city were “illegal structures”, probably due to the religious conflict in Jos and the rumored future adoption of Shari’ah’a law.  (Compass)

August 5, 2001 – According to the Church of Christ in Nigeria (COCIN), Muslim mercenaries have been attacking Christians in the Tafawa Balewa and Bogoro areas, on two occasions, June 18^th and August 5^th.  COCIN said, “Three vehicles have been intercepted, loaded with warriors and weapons entering the conflict areas.. This has resulted in many deaths and widespread destruction.”  The attacks have left more than 100 dead and 5,000 refugees.  (Compass)

August 2001 – Ambrose Lar, a Christian worker at the Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria, Kaduna State was arrested and detained for seven days because of a prayer.  In a union meeting, Lar was asked to pray about the problems of the institution.  In the prayer he asked for God’s wrath on those who denied Christians basic religious rights.  The head of authority ordered the arrest of Lar.  Lar was released after the University workers went on strike on his behalf.

June 2001 – Fifteen Churches and 14 pastor’s residences were burned down in Gawaram, Jigawa State .  No one was hurt in the fires, but the Pastors and their families are now homeless.  A similar attack on 11 churches occurred earlier in the year in Hadeja.  Jigawa state is one of many northern Nigerian states that have implemented Shari’ah law.

February 24-25, 2001 – A visit to Gombe state by an Israeli ambassador sparked a riot by Muslim youths.  During the riot at least 4 people were killed, 50 were injured, and two churches were damaged.  The Calvary Baptist Church and the Bishara Baptist Church were both robbed and pews from the latter church were ripped out and burned.

November 2000 – Christians showing the Jesus Film in Kebbi state were warned not to continue showing the film. Kebbi also adopted Shari’ah law on December 1, 2000.

September 7-9, 2000 – In Bambam, Gombe state 25 people died as a result of clashes between Muslims and Christians due to the possible implementation of Shari’ah.  Property damage was estimated in the millions of Naira.

August 2000 –Another three northern states declared Shari’ah law, in direct contradiction to Nigeria ’s current Constitution.  These states are Katsina, Jigawa and Borno.

July 10, 2000 – In Sokoto state an 80 –year-old woman was sentenced to six months imprisonment for brewing an alcoholic beverage.  Drinking and selling alcohol is contrary to the state’s Shari’ah law.

June 21, 2000 – Kano state adopted Shari’ah law.  Shari’ah was officially  implemented on November 26, the first day of Ramadan.

June 2000 – Mrs Laraba John, a widow, was the first Christian to receive punishment under Shari’ah law in Niger state.  Mrs John was sentenced to 3 months in prison for brewing a local alcoholic beverage.  Though she has seven children and no husband, the court refused to grant leniency.

May 2000 – Christian women in Zamfara state say they were harassed and wrongfully accused of prostitution.

May 29, 2000 – Sokoto state declared Shari’ah law.

May 25, 2000 – Several days of violence in Kaduna over the introduction of Shari’ah have led to the death of at least 150 people.  Homes, shops and churches have also been destroyed.

May 22, 2000 – Muslim youths torched the First Baptist Church and Christian homes in Kaduna , leading to retaliation by Christian youths.  At least 11 people died and many others were injured in the incident.

May 16, 2000 – Muslim youths destroyed the Evangelical Church of West Africa in Kaduna only hours after peacekeeping troops left the area.

February 21-22, 2000 – Riots began after a Christian march opposing the implementation of Shari’ah law in Kaduna, northern Nigeria .  Christian and Muslim gangs armed with sticks set up roadblocks to hunt down rivals.  Travelers were killed as they tried to escape from their vehicles.  More than 1,000 people died in various clashes.

December 18-19, 2004 - Islamic extremists vandalized or destroyed 18 churches in Ilorin, the capital of Kwara State, Christian leaders have threatened to retaliate if the state government does not stop the violence.

October 27, 1999 – Zamfara State   House of Assembly approved legislation to implement Shari’ah beginning on October 27, thus making it the first state to impose Islamic Shari’ah law in Nigeria . .

July/August, 1999 – The government in Kano state announced its plans to destroy around 150 Churches that it claims were built without government permission.  Christians protested this decision towards the end of July claiming discrimination, as Muslims don’t have to undergo the same treatment.  Hostilities between the Christian and Muslim communities in this state have resulted in thousands of deaths and the destruction of millions of dollars of property.

How do we explain these developments in the North?

 In our Volume I we urged the Federal Government to investigate world intelligent reports that the international terrorist group al-Qaeda has cells in 60 countries worldwide and to ascertain their presence in Nigeria . We have always had strong suspicion that Nigeria was a target of terrorist operations.

The pattern and sophistication of Muslim militia invasions and attacks in the southern Plateau crises suggested that is was more than random violence or vengeful attacks by dispossessed Fulani cattlemen. In one of the successful rout on the invaders an identity card belonging to a Kaduna-based vigilante group was found on one of the detainees who, according to newspaper reports, confessed to being recruited and paid for his services.

Not much later the Nigeria Police stumbled on a terrorist cell in Yobe State but not before it had caused serious destruction to life and property in an attempt to take over a local government and declare it a Taliban enclave. The group is appropriately named “the Talibans” after the Islamic fundamentalist party, which alongside al-Qaeda had taken over Afghanistan before being routed out by the United States after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack on New York and Washington .

About the same time two cells of the Maitatsine terrorists sect in Jos, located at Rikkos and Kwanar Shagari, were ransacked in a top-level security operation ostensibly preempting an attack on the city. This action created a flurry of press attacks on the Government, which was once again accused of an anti-Islam agenda. The propaganda this episode created cannot be divorced from the later demands of the Council of Ulama to the President to oust the Governor. Such was the helpless catch-22 situation the Governor faced; whenever he refrained from taking action in the belief that he was securing peace he was attacked for indecision and when he acted to secure the peace he was equally vilified for recklessness.

The truth is that security compromise is a luxury for a nation confronting mindless terrorists. Nothing encouraged the activities of these in Plateau State than the tendency of the Government to cover up their activities and to handle their sponsors with kid gloves. This is precisely the tragedy America brought upon itself by displaying excessive accommodation of terrorist groups before the 9/11 attacks as the recently released report of the 9/11 investigation of the attacks reveals.

The Nigerian Government in its mistaken policy condoning excesses in the name of forging religious harmony is fixed on towing a similar dangerous path. The wisdom of such policy is questionable in the face of the fact that such Islamic States as Egypt , Jordan , Libya and Saudi Arabia are in the forefront of the war against terrorists.

If there was ever a need for reawakening, two recent developments ought to alarm the Nigerian public and its security organizations. First is the arrest in far away Lahore , Pakistan , of a Nigerian, Mohammed Salman Isa (also known as Ibrahim) for alleged involvement in international terrorism. The New Age (August 4, 2004), quoting foreign news agency reports, described Ibrahim as a top middle-ranking al-Qaeda operative with close association to the leader, Osama bin Laden. Second is the revelation by some Nigerian youths that they were recruited for training in al-Qaeda camps in far away Mauritania .

On July 8, 2004 the State Security Services (SSS) in Kano paraded two men, Hamza Mohammed, 22, and Nura Abdel’azeez, 25, who had escaped from Mauritania from where they had been recruited and sent for training. The Director of SSS, Alhaji Sadik Dalhatu, informed journalists that the intention of the recruiters was to turn the Nigerians, including seven of who were unaccounted for, “into extreme Islamist zealots.”

At the center of the drama were three suspects: Malam Mohammed Nazifee Inuwa, Alhaji Bello Damagum and Malam Muawaiyya Babayaro. According to a newspaper report “while Damagum is a graduate of Sociology from ABU Zaria , Nazifee is a lecturer at Aminu Kano School of Legal Studies. Damagum and Nazifee were said to have first met each other in Sudan while Damagum first set eyes on Muawaiyya in Mauritania, where the latter was studying at the Muhammed Bin Saud University before it was closed down follwing allegation of its link to al-Qaeda network.”(ThisDay, July 10, 2004 ).

This was a big story. The cat must have been let out of the bag. It confirmed the source of many of the violence that we had painstakingly chronicled in our Volume I and in this publication. We had said that these attacks were planned and systematic and that the “people of Plateau State ” were the “primary target.” And you thought we were naïve? Say, where would these extreme Islamist zealots likely to be deployed on return from training? Will they be selling shayi on the streets of Gusau, Katsina, Dutse, etc? Wont they more likely be leading rampaging mobs on the streets of Kano , Kaduna , etc, or invading villages in the Middle Belt?

The Nigerian public demands an open investigation into these allegations. The National Assembly should rise to the occasion by instituting an open hearing into this matter. If they justified their ill-advised endorsement of the imposition of state of emergency on Plateau State on patriotism, this is the    time to prove that they can indeed defend the public interest.

Nigerians demand to know what is happening. For how long has this recruitment and training of terrorists in Nigeria been going on? Who are the sponsors of these terror groups? Why are some newspapers in Nigeria desperate to cover the tract of supposed terrorists? Who is funding such papers? Which are the countries involved? Where are the past graduates of the terrorist camps and what have they been up to all these years? These questions call for public hearing.

In our Volume I we drew a parallel between what is happening in the Darfur region of the Sudan and the situation in southern Plateau. In Darfur region the Islamist government backed Janjaweed militias have been killing thousands and using mass rape against the non-Arab population precipitating what is today regarded as the world’s worst humanitarian disaster.

It is instructive that the prime suspects, Bello Damagum and Mohammed Nazifee, first met each other in the same Sudan . Isn’t it of security importance to know what their mission was and their conversations about? Next Damagum was in Mauritania meeting with, of all people, an ex-student of a university that had been closed down by the government of Mauritania because of its link to the dreadful al-Qaeda. Was by coincidence that the next time the three came together they were allegedly recruiting Nigerian youths to be sent to training camps in Mauritania ?

The interesting twist is that all the accused are walking free today after a brief detention. And the Weekly Trust, the twin sister of the Daily Trust newspaper, which never reported the story from the victims’ point of view attempted a poorly executed cover up of the security scandal by giving it a religious undertone under the headline: DETENTION WITHOUT TRIAL; FG TARGETS MUSLIM ACTIVISTS. It published (in its July 10-16, 2004 edition) elaborate interviews with the key suspects in the saga, which raised more questions than answers.

In the typical fashion of Christian tolerance (or is it complacency?), we did not see any delegation of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) visiting Abuja and threatening the Mr. President hell if he didn’t put the suspects on trial. It would appear that when it comes to these matters (remember the Shari’ah issue and the February massacre in Yelwa?), the President would prefer to let the issues die down only to feign indignation when they come round to explode in his face. If not this security breach calls for a high-powered investigation! We hope the international community is following the story. 

CONCLUSION

The imposition of the SOE in Plateau State has thrown up urgent issues, which lend credence to the call for a Sovereign National Conference.

The action has proven beyond doubt that as citizens of this country, minority groups are far from being recognized as equal before the law and protection by the constitution. It has once again proved the fears expressed by ethnic minorities of the former Northern Region to the Willinks Commission prior to independence. The promises of the commission have come to naught. It appears while some Nigerians have the right to assert self-determination and control their destiny within their God-given space; ethnic minorities don’t enjoy such rights.

An evolving pattern in the middle belt is each time there is an ethno-religious conflict between the ethnic nationalities and the Hausa/Fulani, scapegoats are made from the former: General Zamani Lekwot and five others narrowly escaped the hangman’s noose over the Zango Kataf crisis; Governor Joshua Dariye and Plateau people have to bear the brunt of the SOE over the ethno-religious crisis in the state; the Hama Bachama had to lose his throne due to the fight between the Bachama and the Muslim Hausa Fulani over the minaret of a mosque overlooking his palace.  But when Christians are killed their properties destroyed as in recent cases in parts of the North nothing happens. 

DEMANDS

We have proved beyond reasonable doubt the injustice of the imposition of state of emergency on Plateau State and appeal to Mr. President to reverse himself and restore constitutional and democratic dignity to Plateau State . Our country in its present democratic vista has the capacity to resolve matters of conflict and injustice if our leadership approaches issues with sincerity and firmness. For the weightier and more fundamental questions bordering on our existence as a nation, a sovereign national conference is the answer.

Nigerians, therefore, should not be forced to internationalize issues that domestic capacity exists for dealing with. We have seen, with regret, how the Ogoni ethnic minority’s attempt to obtain justice within the mechanism of the United Nations ended in tragedy. However, if fundamental human rights of minorities are not respected such desperate measure cannot be ruled out.

 As the current President of the African Union (AU), Mr. President has an obligation to rule by precept. The imposition of a state of emergency, involving the dissolution of democratic structures, cannot stand in good light if subjected to the AU’s peer group review mechanism (PGRM), which President Obasanjo recommended highly to his peers at the recent summit in Addis Ababa .

We hope that the foregoing account will assist, Mr. President in making an informed decision about the imperative of an immediate restoration of democratic rule in Plateau State .

SIGNED

1. CLEMENT D. WUBANG
2. COMRADE NANLE N. GUJOR
3. DR. ROTGAK I. GOFWEN
4. COMRADE JACKSON YAKUBU ANDREW
5. DAVID GOYA DAKUP
6. PROF. ( ENGR) D.S. MATAWAL
7. BARR.C.J. DAKKAS
8. MRS. S. SAMBO
9. CHIEF SAM PIWUNA
10. CHIEF (HON) JESSE YAKUBU ARUKU (JP)
11. JONATHAN ISHAKU
12. BARR. J.D. GAMALIEL
13. HON. ZACHARIAH GOSHANG