Corruption: The Bane Of Nigeria’s Problems

By

Sani Tukur

Kaduna Nigeria

stk_26@hotmail.com

The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) rated Nigeria as one of the poorest countries in the world.[1]  This, I questioned because Nigeria is endowed with land, oil and natural resources. Between 1970 and 1990, Nigeria earned almost US$200 billion, primarily from exports [Thomas and Ganagarajah 2002].[2]  This income indicates the wealth and the potentials of the economy to effectively alleviate poverty.  Several factors contribute to the persistence of poverty and corruption is definitely at the center of it all.  Even with democratisation, the balance of power still remains heavily in favour of the Elite, who constitute 1% of the population but appallingly consume 80% of Nigeria’s income [World Bank Report].[3]

Furthermore, Nigeria had the 2^nd largest income (after South Africa). Thomas and Ganagarajah (2002) estimated in an IMF Working Paper that in the year 1994, Nigeria earned about US$9 billion while South Africa earned about US$23 billion.[4]  Though, the World Bank nevertheless admits that poverty is pervasive at differing degrees in all regions and states.[5] It is no exaggeration that the appalling level of corruption in the country is result of complacency of Nigerians to provide the necessary check on activities of government.  This is complicated by lack of practical independence of the judiciary and absence of political will on the part of government.  All these and many more are what exacerbate corruption and create leakages in the system [Lamido 2005].[6]

Ribadu and Anti-corruption – ‘Ba’a yabon Ďan Kuturu’

Obasanjo’s regime instituted Anti-corruption campaign with its coming to power in 1999.  The government gave legal backing to that through an Anti-corruption Act and the establishment of ICPC and EFCC as agencies vested with powers to investigate and arraign those indicted over corruption and financial crimes before courts of law.  Creating institutions however does not ensure effective fight against corruption.  According to Mike Stevens, a World Bank specialist on public sector reforms, far from lacking institutions to fight corruption, many countries in the region actually have too many.[7] In light of the above, the strength of the fight against corruption is largely determined by political will of all stakeholders, particularly those vested with governance.

Eigen (2002) believes that politicians increasingly pay lip service to the fight against corruption as the Elite and their cronies continue to take kickbacks at every opportunity. Hand in glove with corrupt business people, they are trapping whole nations in poverty and hampering sustainable development.[8] The dismissal of Osuji and Balogun resonate Peter Eigen’s view of corruption.  Yet the complicity of western countries is a factor too, though Eigen had in fact down played that complicity of the Western world in deepening corruption in the region. In a conversation with Ewald Kist, the CEO of ING Finance Group based in Switzerland, Sagagi (2005) talked on the feasibility of recovering the billions of dollars (within the global financial system) embezzled by present and past leaders.[9]  The response was that corruption is regarded as inherent in poor countries and it is to be addressed only by them [Eigen 2004].  Within the same context, Jerry Rawlings, then president of Ghana, at the United Nations’ Millennium Summit in September 2000, attacked the companies that pay bribes to win contracts and the banks that launder the proceeds of corruption.  He opines that there will be less corruption in the continent if there is no place to hide the proceeds of corruption or if the proceeds of corruption, once uncovered, are returned to their real owners, the people of Africa.[10]

Beyond Osuji and Tafa Balogun

The leak on Osuji and Tafa Balogun no doubt constitutes a welcome development in the fight against corrupt public officials, but there is every reason for skepticism because there exist numerous cases awaiting finalisation as, there are those desiring investigation. The following list is an example:

1. The national ID card scam involving Akwanga and Co. is still on the unaccomplished list and Nigerians are waiting for a convincing outcome.

2. The case of misappropriation and corruption involving Makanjoula (Permanent Secretary, Defence Ministry).

3. The case of El-Rufai and 2 distinguished Senators (Mantu and Zwingina) who did ask (aside from huge denial) for N54 million to clear him for the ministerial post.

4. Hamza Al-Mustapha’s testimony before the Oputa Panel that he handed over huge amount of money (foreign currency) to the then president, retired General Abdussalami Abubakar who till date cannot provide Nigerians with a convincing status report (though he and others have refused to appear before the panel to exonerate themselves).

5. The $12.6 billion dollars alleged to have been realised under IBB’s regime during the gulf War and which reportedly disappeared into degenerative investments is another case in point, which require EFCC’s scrutiny.

6. Reports in the media over Pentascope, if they are anything to go by, raise serious concern. It is no doubt compelling on the part of EFCC and ICPC to get to the bottom of this matter and make sure that anybody found suspect is arraigned before the court of law, even if it is the president himself.

7. It is no exaggeration that there exist compelling cases of oil bunkering and that is unacceptable.

8. A serving Minister of Defence and a former Governor of Kano State was indicted over corruption and misappropriation charges by a commission of inquiry set up by a successive regime of Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau to look into the alleged financial improprieties of the regime.   The committee did a good job and reports indicate that the key actors had in fact returned certain amounts of money to the state government.  Kwankwaso ought to have been dropped long ago over this.  Why is this so?

Conclusion

Nigeria may be having one of the most corrupt systems in the world, but recent incidents offer a glimmer of hope. The arrest of Tafa Balogun and the dismissal of Osuji from his post as Minister of Education have set a milestone for a comprehensive campaign against corruption in Nigeria.  This is possible aside from the forceful reasons for skepticism, as corruption still remain ingrained in all facets.

Recommendations

1. The fight against corruption should be broadened, particularly looking at Osuji’s case, to cover all the agencies of the ministry such as NBTE, NCCE, NUC, and NCNE.  In the same fashion, the search light should beam on the activities of all those at helm of affairs such as Vice Chancellors of Universities, Rectors of Polytechnics, Provosts of Colleges of Education in order to ascertain the real source of the N55 million in question.

2. The EFCC should try as much as possible to reach out to the public through enlightenment campaigns in order to exploit ways to collectively fight the cankerworm of corruption in Nigeria.

3. Certain public service regulations are making it difficult for employees to divulge information pertaining to corrupt practices.  There exist the need to amend such regulations and where necessary expunge them, to enable employees open up on matters of corruption within the public service.

4. EFCC must live up to the expectations of its slogan of nobody above the law in investigating past and present regimes who were believed to have looted our treasury.

5. The culpability of the West by deliberately hoarding information about stolen loot and their indifference towards helping countries such as Nigeria to repatriate such monies should not be taken lightly.  There must be a cognitive position on this to complement Nigeria’s drive for debt relief.