Military Politicians And Their Rights To Take Part In Constitutional Politics

By

Dr Abayomi Ferreira

abayomiferreira@hotmail.co.uk

 

There has been a rather sustained upsurge in the public monologue that erstwhile Nigerian military dictators cannot be stopped from the electoral process to return to power in Nigeria. The current constitutional conference has not only directed further attention to the monologue, it has also given us the opportunity to be bombarded by the absence of remorse on the part of the dictators who still parade the corridors of power. Constitutional rights and human rights have been shamelessly used as the claim to this electoral right by people who rode rough shod on the constitutional and human rights of 130 million politically deprived Nigerians. Truly, strictly on that theoretical score, the braggadocio of erstwhile coup plotters that they cannot be stopped from electoral aspiration to power can be sustained. However, the human content, particularly the power component in its relationship with the much-desired economic development of Nigeria certainly goes beyond just constitutionalism and inalienable human rights. The essential aspect that has been conveniently ignored is even more important than the rights that the proponents seem to want to protect. Every Nigerian has a right to aspire to go into government, but the interests of the country and her improvished peoples will not be served by encouraging certain groups in any society to aspire to such hallowed heights. Strictly as an analogy, no society will ask established morons and fools to exercise such their rights to rule the sane society. Similarly and particularly in reflection of the context and content of   Nigerian historical experience, all the coup makers, dictators and their civilian collaborators are totally devoid of any moral rights or claim to return to power in Nigeria, even by an electoral process. The current experience where the government is run by erstwhile military dictators and their self-seeking civilian collaborators is a strong evidence for the justification of the position to ban them from any future participation in government. We will go further to argue and demonstrate even more potent reasons why, in view of the urgent objective for rapid national development, that anti-history cohorts must be excluded from seeking offices in government.

 

The fundamental issue at stake on the Nigerian political arena is prompt and effective national mobilisation and delivery from the trap of the revolving whirlwind of self-seeking political practitioners who, in the past half a century have locked away our people from the economic and social advantages of a highly resource endowed country into a new era of purposeful leadership that is totally detached from the corrupt leadership that has trapped the nation in the current cauldron of social destruction in a world that has moved nearly two centuries ahead in terms of quality of life and standard of living. The resolution of this basic issue demands the formation of new political movements that have no relationship in any manner, historical ties, leadership, programme, philosophy, ideology and methods with the political platforms that the corrupt and military politicians have utilised over the years to exploit our peoples. It is a historical fact that the kingpins of the present corrupt polity are the military politicians who desecrated the national constitution, destroyed the national economic setting by moving its focus from growth and development to kleptocracy and social destitution, imposed cultural barbarism and immorality among the young and old alike, thereby sentencing our country into sustained depravity and pervading poverty. The military politicians have their civilian collaborators. The combination of the two today monopolise the entire political terrain, in spite of the provisions of the constitution as clearly stated in Section 228(c). It is the deliberate neglect of this provision that gives the three ruling political parties an uncontested reign on the political terrain.  Alternative approaches to governance are denied any expression, hence the trend towards a de facto one party polity, even when on the surface, they appear and pretend to organise separately into the three ruling political parties.

 

It is a shameful occurrence of historical significance that a number of the loudest among the military politicians have declared openly that they have no apology to make to the peoples of Nigeria for the despicable roles that they willingly played in the late twentieth century destruction of the Nigerian common heritage. All those who were responsible for the installation, sustenance and maintenance of military dictatorship, contrary to their declared objectives whenever they struck down the constitution and eventual performance claims, actually destroyed our society. Successive military dictators steadily broke down the fledging national institutions, each succeeding one more viciously and more ruthlessly than its predecessor, thereby creating chaos, disorder, and perpetuating deprivation and poverty in a land awashed with plenty.

 

   Let us scan briefly the results of the brigandry to which they have subjected Nigeria.

 

  • Political brigandage is continuously on the increase in that the national institutions, i.e. the legislative houses, executive institutions and even the judiciary are morally worse off than in the early years of independence. The usual highlights of debates in the legislatures are on interpersonal plots, personal access to money, corrupting practices and virtually nothing on how to develop our economy and take our people from the shackles of poverty and deprivation. The knowledge and application of economics in the legislative houses do not go beyond budgeting for the annual purchases of foreign products and contracts that is the very platform of sustained corruption in the Nigerian public life.

 

  • The economy, in spite of massive enhancement of the value and quantum of our national resources, continues to decline and remains confused in objectives, planning and implementation. There is rising unemployment with 45 million being presently jobless, among whom are 10 million young university graduates; the housing, transport, health and educational facilities are dwindling both in quantum and in quality; life expectancy in Nigeria has dropped from 55 to 51 years, a consequence of military misrule. Factories are closing down, in a patently undeveloped country with immense natural resources; our people are trapped as consumers of the products of foreign advanced economies. We import anything from sewing thread to aircraft and satellite, from water for injection to magnetic resonance machines. Electricity generation remains perpetually inadequate in an economy that should be developing.

 

  • Social organisation of the country remains primitive, such that the politicians seek their own healthcare access and that of their own families abroad at enormous public expense; indeed, they die abroad and get kept in foreign mortuaries at public expense only to be buried at home at public expense.

 

These are just examples of the state in which the self-appointed saviours have left our country.  Simple morality demands that since the society had been incapable of putting them away from general circulation, which is the just method of dealing with such national tragedies in the civilised world, they should not add salt onto our wounds by claiming any fundamental right to aspire to power. Give the country a chance to find a way to develop. Like most Nigerians keep saying in informal discussions, “ the country is getting worse.” And that is the absolute truth.

 

Dr Abayomi Ferreira

United Kingdom

abayomiferreira@yahoo.co.uk