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OBJ versus Corruption: Charity Begins at Home By Muhammad Bashir Usman
Corruption is a societal vice, which under any or moral religious circumstances, no normal person would abet. President Olusegun Obasanjo returned to civilian power in May, 1999 when corruption has been institutionalized by its chronic promoters in the Nigerian system from grass root, state to federal level of governance with sickening impunity. Hence- his promise to clean up the nation during the honeymoon days of Aso Rock which Nigerians too naively believed .TO begin in earnest, we were told of bilateral arrangements between Nigeria and the Swiss authorities to recover the looted funds of the Abacha family as soon as the Nigerian government was able to fulfill its own side of the bargain. A mission conceived and started by the Abdussalami dictatorship only to be completed during Obasanjo’s powerful militocracy.
Years later however, Nigerians began to hear a different story as Chief Obasanjo appointed himself a petroleum minister with no explanation about the ministry and the huge amounts of petrodollars Nigeria gains from its daily export of crude oil. In addition, we received the bronze, and then the silver and eventually the first medal of corruption from Transparency International. Foreign indebtedness grew higher and Nigeria stood the risk of becoming an economically banana republic. Came the 2003 general elections during which all manners of electoral corruption [or electoral fraud as better understandable ]were roundly perpetrated with help of security forces. The so –called Independent Electoral Commission manipulated the vote- count in favor of the ruling party at the apparent command of the Nigerian Villa. In the end, Chief Obasanjo together with the PDP governors [ but Kwankwaso and Hashidu ] and National Assembly members were declared the winners in almost all the 36 states of the federation including states where no elections were held or where the candidates have not even contested.
It was soon reported that the president had a row with his deputy about their re-election after which their relationship [was and is still] no longer cordial. He consequently launched a silent war against the VP starting from his aides, constitutional posts and then eventually his loyalists. Having forced with his characteristic attitude into near –extinction the ICPC of the first tenure, he soon commissioned the EFCC lapdog under Nuhu Ribadu which –as he said –was meant to fight corruption and financial fraud in the country. I was one of the consistent skeptics of the EFCC activities concerning corruption by officialdom in Nigeria. ‘It is a selective war shrouded in revanchism’, I usually argued.
Besides, I made a contribution to the New Nigerian last year with a title: ‘Corruption and EFCC Politics’ drawing public attention about the genuineness or otherwise of Obasanjo’s war against corrupt office holders. ‘Obasanjo himself is not clean and would found guilty if probed without immunity restrictions’ has been my persistent stand always. I remember Sheriff Ahmed, an editorial staff of the paper, who usually lined up behind the president in our argument once admitted that Obasanjo could not be proved guilty because he uses some ‘foot soldiers’ as Sheriff put, to carry out dirty&nb sp; operations on his own behalf. ‘Is such an honest person? ’I asked, and the debate ended.
Fundamentally speaking, who bribes members of the National Assembly to pass his proposals into law in flagrant breach of constitutional due process, at least going by some insider reports? Where is Tony Anenih, his fixer-in chief hiding the whopping 320 billion set aside for road construction project during his days in the federal ministry of Works? Has he ever been tried or prosecuted for that? In fact, I have a copy of a reply letter from the Abia state governor alleging threat to his life from Anenih over his [Kalu’s ] persistent pressure on the president to try Anenih on that scandal during the first tenure. Beside Anenih, Julius Makanjuola was working in the Defence ministry when he made his way with about 470 billion and, neither Obasanjo nor the EFCC was able to indict him. That suggests the covert tokenism in the Akwanga, Afolabi,Wabara, Osuji and the Tafa Balogun experiences. Most recently, is it only Dariye or Alamieyeseigha that has sucked his state treasures dry among these governors?
I am not sympathetic to Atiku’s plight in this power-show between the two since at least, both have made mockery of the nation before their recent division in the past six years. For Atiku is neither less nor more corrupting than Obasanjo in their handlings of the Nigerian nation. Though I know many people including some southerners who, today side with the VP in his war against the president, I personally count myself out. Nevertheless, I believe this recent war against corruption is rooted in fighting those generally opposed to the third term agenda or particularly loyal to the VP’s presidential ambition come 2007.To buttress the point clearly, Audu Ogb eh was almost set ablaze by the EFCC after his forced resignation from the PDP chairmanship position in the beginning of this year. He threatened to tender to Buhari all the rigging documents of the 2003 elections before the allegations of financial misappropriation against him was laid to rest by the presidential Katrina.
If mr. President wants the nation and even the outside world to believe his anti-graft war as a sincere fight to clean up the system, then the following cases need to be dealt with immediately and decisively too. Nigerians want to know their petroleum minister and the accrued figures of their excess crude oil revenue in the last six years in strict conformity with Nigeria’s daily production quota to the International community. Second, the whereabouts of the retrieved Abacha loot from Swiss banks as announced earlier by the federal government. Thirdly, the living own er of the Bells secondary school and university and the past privatization proceeds said formerly to be deposited with the Central Bank of the nation. The last but certainly not the least, the president should come publicly to reconcile his current state of wealth with the earlier asset declaration ritual he did during his first coming in May, 1999.
On final notes, if people like Tony Anenih, Julius Makanjuola, Olumuyiwa Obasanjo [ Gbenga’s brother who recently bought $500,000 in New York, the United State of America under dubious circumstances ] with such stinking financial crimes would be allowed to move about scot-free in the country and lesser crooks like Joshua and Alamieyeseigha are being traced and prosecuted at home or, most recently abroad, then the Nigerian people will not believe in the EFCC. I rest my case here.
Muhammad Bashir Usman is based in Tudun Wada Kaduna
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