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Can Nigeria Survive This “Rascality”? By Ras Ike Obineche
Brigadier General Mobolaji Johnson is one Nigerian whose viewpoint on any National issue should not be easily set aside or lampooned as has become the practice with President Olusegun Obasanjo’s spokesmen. He did not only have a brilliant military career, his profile as the first ever Governor of Lagos state speaks volumes about his virtues in public life. When the government of Gen. Yakubu Gowon was overthrown, he was one of the two governors out of the total of twelve who were investigated and found blameless.
In retirement, Brigadier Johnson has climbed to the apex of Nigeria’s corporate world. As the chairman of the construction giant, Julius Berger Nigeria Plc, he couldn’t have asked for more. His views on public affairs in Nigeria must therefore be taken seriously.
Speaking to The Sun Newspaper recently, the retired General said of Obasanjo amongst other things that “you know he is a bit of a rascal. Nigeria needs a bit of rascality to transform it.”
But given the record of President Obasanjo since he came to power in 1999, it is debatable if the President is a big or just a bit of a rascal. It is therefore necessary to examine whether his brand of rascality will transform or truncate Nigeria’s existence as a Nation.
The return of democracy to Nigeria in 1999 was hailed universally as the “the dawn of a new era.” The military that seized power from the democratic government of Alhaji Shehu Shagari in 1984 virtually held her captive as a succession of Generals raped its resources and run it aground. By the time General Sani Abacha, the meanest of the Generals died mysteriously as Head of state in 1998, Nigeria was virtually a pariah state, despised and ostracized by the civilized world. Much of the new hope was primed on Obasanjo’s record as a war hero who effected Biafra’s surrender and the military Head of state who set a record on a continent awash with permanent Presidents by voluntarily handing over power to an elected successor.
These hopes were reinforced by Obasanjo’s initial pronouncements. He promised that his government will give corruption a frontal attack, ensure steady power supply in six months, tackle the problems of environmental degradation and marginalization of the Niger Delta region, restore fundamental human rights and stabilize the polity amongst other things. Events since the first inaugural address have shown that the President’s promises were made to be broken.
The most glaring failure of the government is in the area of securing the lives and property of Nigerian citizens. It is needless giving details of ordinary Nigerians who lost their lives in unexplained circumstances since 1999. Worse still is the failure of law enforcement agents to apprehend the criminals who have cheapened life on Nigerian streets. Strangely enough, even the high and mighty who before now felt secure have seen the other side of the coin under President Obasanjo. Between 1999 and 2003 alone, the following National leaders were killed – Chief Bola Ige, then Attorney-General and Minister of Justice; Ahmed Pategi, former Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party in Kwara state; former Chairman of the Nigerian Bar Association, Onitsha branch, Barnabas Igwe, and his wife, Abigail; Dr. Marshal Harry, the PDP National Vice Chairman for South South, who later defected to ANPP; as well as Chief A. K. Dikibo who stepped into Harry’s shoe in the PDP and the irrepressible Dr Wilberforce Chuba Okadigbo, former Senate President who defected to ANPP where he contested as General Buhari’s running mate in the 2003 polls. Just recently, the wife of the former Governor of Kano State, Sa’adatu Mohammed Abubakar Rimi was slaughtered like a ram in the Kano home. These are just a few names.
If a government cannot secure the life of its chief law officer for whatever reason, the government should at least apprehend the murderers and bring them to justice. A government that fails to do this should not be said to be involved in a bit of rascality. This is the father or mother of all rascality.
There have been more killings on a massive scale. Since 1999, there have emerged ethnic militia formed with the advertised agenda of fighting their tribal enemies or even waging war against the Federal Government. Prominent amongst the ethnic militia are the Odua Peoples Congress, OPC, the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign state of Biafra MASSOB, the Niger Delta Volunteer Force, the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta, MEND, etc. Between 1999 – 2003, these groups were responsible for the death of over 10,000 Nigerians including soldiers and policemen. At least on two occasions during the period, the Federal Government on Obasanjo’s orders, sent troops to level down villages as reprisals for the death of soldiers and policemen killed in the course of peace keeping operations. This happened in Odi, Bayelsa state and Zaki Biam, Benue State. But the activities of the ethnic militia have continued unabated. Analyst believe that the menace has taken advantage of President Obasanjo’s ineptitude and double standards. For instance, early in the life of his government, the Odua peoples Congress, OPC, made up of militants from his ethnic Yoruba waged an unprovoked war against the Northern Community in Lagos and environs. Following the carnage, the President angrily declared on the National Television Network that the OPC is an illegal organization. Those who expected the President to follow up his declaration with tough action against the murderers were soon to be disappointed. After a series of raids in which police formations were sacked and scores of policemen killed, the police declared Gani Adams factional leader of OPC a man wanted for arson and murder. The man himself went underground for over a year. He was eventually arrested but left off the hook light handedly.
It is believed that the President’s failure to deal firmly and squarely with the ethnic militia particularly those from his Yoruba background has acted as an incentive to others who have since carried the business almost beyond everybody’s control. Recently, a new group calling itself Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta, MEND abducted four expatriate oil workers; Patrick Landy – USA, Nigel Watson Clark – Britain, Harry Ebauk’s – Honduras, and Pat Crawley – Bulgaria. They were held hostage for over one month and released only after the government paid a huge amount of money as ransom to their tormentors. This rascality has gone international.
Perhaps another area where the President’s rascality has failed to help Nigeria is in the fight against corruption. All through the first four years of his Presidency, Nigeria was serially listed as either the most corrupt or second most corrupt country on earth. The agencies established by the President to fight corruption, notably the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission ICPC, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC have been waging an unenviable war against the malaise. Not only do they have to operate in a system where corruption has become endemic, they have the difficult task of proving to a skeptical public that they are not President Obasanjo’s private army, waging war against his political opponents.
The President’s comportment has not helped their cause. Some of the President’s men who have been fingered as corrupt or who due to their own indiscretion have exposed themselves as corrupt men have not been touched while those who disagree with the President on political grounds are often hounded and hunted down. Take for instance the case of Chief Tonny Anenih, President Obasanjo’s trusted minister (1999-2003) and campaign manager during the 2003 elections. There are allegations that the man corruptly enriched himself from the N300 billion Naira allocated to his ministry for repair of Federal Roads while he was Minister of Works. Despite persistent calls from the Presidents party men and even state Governors, none of the President’s anti-corruption agencies has invited the powerful politician for questioning. There is also Chief Chris Uba, the President’s friend who openly confessed to have rigged elections not only in favour of Governor Chris Ngige of Anambra state but also in favour of all other political office holders in the state at both Federal, State and Local Council levels. He has maintained a cosy relationship with the self-confessed perpetrator of electoral heist who wanted the governor of his state to allocate a substantial revenue of the state to him on a regular basis. Critics also mention the case of Alhaji Adedibu of Ibadan who said in a Television broadcast that his disagreement with Ladoja, the impeached Governor of Oyo State was because the Governor reneged on an earlier promise to allocate to him between 10 to 15 million naira out of his security vote on a monthly basis. The President has continued to praise men of such questionable character even as he wages war against corruption.
The end result of the double standard is that even when he secures a conviction, he does not get the confidence of his critics who believe that he is acting in self defence or in the pursuit of some narrow political interest. Recently, the former Inspector General of Police Tafa Balogun was jailed for embezzling public funds to the tune of 17 billion Naira. Even this conviction has not satisfied critics. Speaking at a public meeting recently, General Victor Malu former Chief of Army Staff under President Obasanjo said the money was meant for the police Chief to distribute to police Unit Commands to facilitate the rigging of the 2003 general elections. He said the disgraced police Chief was singled out for punishment because he became greedy and refused to share the loot.
The biggest rascality of all time is the attempt by the President to change the Constitution and award himself a third term of four years in office. The Constitution that brought him into office gave him a mandate of a maximum of two terms of four years each. That mandate will expire next year. While the President himself has not said that he will seek another term of four years, everybody around him, including his appointed party Chairman, Ahmadu Ali, his Governor Gbenga Daniel and his Zonal Caucus has said that the Constitution should be amended to allow him run. The determination to run for the third term is widely believed to be behind the muzzling of all dissenting voices in his political party and the humiliation of the Vice President, Atiku Abubakar. As common as the practice is in Africa for leaders to stay put, it is doubtful if the President and indeed the country will survive this big rascality.
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