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3rd Term: Another Media Creation By Terkura Aku
The concept of free press is central to democracy. This is easy to espouse, especially in emerging democracies like ours, but difficult to administer and accept. The problem? Newscoverage is profuse, fast, inaccurate and confusing. Reporters often cannot differentiate between fact and their own political or emotional biases. Politicians often cannot distinguish between “newsworthy” stuff and “propaganda.” Government officials cannot trust reporters with information. Reporters must grapple with the harsh realities of low wages, little or no papers, pens, computers, phones or fax machines, mobility etc. The market is competitive, the papers must sell.
Journalism is a beautiful profession – very exciting, challenging and fulfilling. Members of this profession believe that public enlightenment is the forerunner of justice and the foundation of democracy. And so, the journalist makes it his duty to further those ends by seeking truth and providing a fair and comprehensive account of events and issues. Professional integrity is the cornerstone of a journalist’s credibility. The journalist is guided in his trade by a set of ethics that fall under four core categories: seek truth and report it, minimise harm, act independently and be accountable. The journalist’s responsibilities are by all means, enormous.
The Nigerian media have been up and doing in their characteristic vibrant manner. They were in the forefront of the struggle for democracy. They were vocal in denouncing military dictatorships. Their influence was instrumental in setting up or bringing down governments. No one can fault the media’s contribution to national development. But not in recent times, especially with the fever of the Constitutional Review and 3rd Term Agenda, which they over blew.
My grouse with the media lies with their apparent failure to respect one of their ethics – the one that requires the journalist to avoid conflict of interest, real or perceived. This violation was largely visible by the distorted reportage they gave the Constitutional Review process. Whether the media were serving their interest or those of some other groups, was not clear, but what was clear was that the media virtually abandoned their role of educating the public through balanced reporting to dance to the rhythm of the 3rd Term debate.
There were other drums to beat and other rhythms to play, 118 in all, but the politicians and enemies of Nigeria chose only one, ‘ tenure of office – which they renamed 3rd Term’, to play the loudest. They beat this drum so loudly that the media swayed to its rhythm irresponsibly, unprofessionally and without restrain. Banner headline after banner headline kept their production lines oiled with the public’s money. There was no way the public, a gullible public hungry for gossip and devoid of discernment, could have ignored the rhythm, not with the power and influence of the media.
The 3rd Term is the media’s creation. It bordered on the Tenure of the Executive and the argument was whether or not we should have three terms of four years or maintain the status quo. This issue has its pros and cons. On the pros side is that it gives progressive governors like Donald Duke, who is determined to transform a riverine Cross River State into a preferred tourist destination, the time to consolidate on their programmes policies and to the benefit of the people and the country. But not if you’re stuck with non-performing governors like mine – Dariye, who does nothing with our money except travel to London, jeopardise the escape chances of other governors in his club, and perpetually be in trouble with EFCC. If I’m going to be stuck with such types, I certainly would not like three terms.
The debate on the 3rd Term ought to focus on its desirability or not, considering our peculiarities as a people and nation, but these politicians tactfully tilted the focus to whether or not OBJ should be given a 3rd Term. The media did not see this; neither did they perceive that they were being manipulated. Instead, they chose to dance the rhythm on the OBJ level to the consternation of the nation. OJB will pass away, even if he gets away with this 3rd Term – it is just four years, but you and I, Nigeria, will continue. So I think the media goofed on this. One would expect the media to balance this rhythm by educating the public and helping it to focus on other core issues, issues more fundamental to our corporate existence as a nation.
For instance, there was the issue of Citizenship Vs Indigeneship. I will use a story to illustrate this. Chibuzo, 46, born and bred in Wudil, Kano, wishes to contest the councillorship seat of his Ward. He lived all his life and owns a flourishing electronic trading store in Wudil. His father grew up, married and died in Wudil, Kano. Chibuzo was preferred by the community ahead of his indigene opponent for the seat because of his past contributions to community development efforts. But the government says Chibuzo cannot contest because he is not an indigene. To make the point clearer, the government strips his area of its Ward-ship.
Chibuzo’s wife, Lami, a youth corps member of Kaduna origin, teaches English in the local government school. Nine months into her service, at the end of the session, parents and local education officials noticed an improvement in the performance in English of SS1 students, and they didn’t miss their guesses. Mrs. Chibuzo was a hard worker, effective in her methods. The school needed her services and pushed a case to retain her after her service year, but the State Teachers’ board objected – their reason – Lami was not an indigene. And they went ahead to recruit an indigene teacher who was less qualified.
Chibuzo’s father was not a tax defaulter. His tax was used to build the infrastructure that is supporting the metropolis almost thirty kilometres away. Chibuzo and his wife enjoy nothing as privileges from the State government – their undergraduate children who attend the state polytechnic, are not on government scholarship, but pay higher fees than students of Kano state origin. However, during elections the Mallams and Alhajis pester Chibuzo at home and at work for his votes. That’s the only instance where his non-indigeneship is not a problem, that’s where his citizenship matters. They call it civic responsibility. Why won’t Chibuzo be exempted from taxes and voting on the basis of his indigeneship? Between his indigeneship and citizenship, which the constitution guarantees, which is more important?
There are many Chibuzos in every State and local government area in Nigeria. They’re facing the same discrimination – their crimes - they are non-indigenes, but bonafide Nigerians whose citizenship, guaranteed by the constitution, is of little physical value. Shouldn’t Chibuzo take up such discriminatory treatments in court on the basis of his citizenship and obtain justice? Can’t we have a constitution that guarantees one his citizenship regardless of where he chooses to live?
The 1999 constitution, replete with its conflicting provisions, does not provide a clear solution to the Chibuzos of our country. In one section it says every citizen has a right to live in any part of the country and pursue free enterprise and enjoy all privileges for being a Nigerian. Yet, the same constitution empowers States to enact laws that will address their needs, which in the end, undermine the very freedom the constitution set out to protect. Isn’t this an issue more grievous than the 3rd Term? But the media missed the point. Indigeneship Vs Citizenship is at the heart of most sectarian violence in Nigeria. We got the chance to address this squarely, but wasted it shamelessly, unprofessionally.
Then there was the issue of State Police. Since 1999, many States have been agitating to have their police; some had even legitimised the operations of their local vigilante groups. But some of these governments had argued the apparatus they were setting up had nothing to do with policing – at least they could arrest, but not prosecute, they could work with the regular police and all sorts of arguments. Some had even gone to court! Certainly, many are not quite happy with the Federal Government’s ban on the Bakassi boys, OPC and the Hisbah guards. There are any ready pools of ethnic or regional militias that could easily be regularised into the State Police had section 214 of the 1999 Constitution prohibited it. This was an issue these ambitious State governments would have preferred Nigerians to resolve. The Constitutional Review provided these governments with the opportunity to push their cases through and perhaps be rewarded in the positive – their positives – if the rest of Nigerians share their views. But the chance was scuttled, because the media chose to dance to the only rhythm the politicians played. It was just as well. Who knows what might become of Nigeria had the pendulum swung in favour of State Police?
Yet another issue, which is more fundamental than the 3rd Term, but which hardly received a mention, was true federalism and resource control. The issue wasn’t exactly resolved at the Political Reforms Conference. This failure is largely responsible for why nine oil workers, expatriates, became the unwilling guests of militant Niger Delta youth. Only God knows what the remaining three are going through. That’s not the point, not that their lives are not important – they are, but had this issue not been sacrificed on the altar of 3rd Term, had it been given the right media attention and prominence, Nigerians would have been sensitised and mobilized to face the obvious challenge and take full responsibility for their decision. Perhaps the raging flames from blown up oil pipelines would not have painted the green forest creeks of the Niger Delta orange. The Constitutional Review provided the chance where all Nigerians could share their views and decide on what is right and fair. This would have represented the best of judgements because even the minority would have had their say, but in the end, it is the majority that would have their way.
This is easy to be critical of reforms, including stringent economic measures, but professional integrity demands that the story of the diversity and magnitude of our collective human experience be told boldly, even when it is unpopular to do so, that the exchange of ideas, views, even views the media finds repugnant, must be supported and promoted without prejudice to our unity and nationhood. It is understandable that it is difficult, even for the press, to refrain from over-zealously criticising government, especially after prolonged years of being muzzled by oppressive military regimes. Of course everyone, including the media, would grab at the opportunity to publicly express their dissent, but the media, on the basis of her corporate citizenship and social responsibility, owes it to Nigeria to exploit this opportunity with the greatest sense of responsibility.
Democracy cannot flourish without stability and economic growth cannot be sustained without educating the business community and the general public. In many other democracies, including ours, the media’s most important role is to communicate the facts and develop an educated public. The media’s role is to explain to Nigerians that the path to economic stability can be painful and that some long-sought goals may not be reached within their life-times. In this way, consensus can be built around the hard choices that must be made if economic stability is to ever be attained.
To be totally open and unbiased in communicating these facts requires an act of courage, sense of vision and a demonstration of leadership. The Nigerian media have to make this choice.
Terkura Aku, Esq
Aku & Associates, 32, Busa Buji street, Jos
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