Democratization of Nigeria and Culture of Authoritarianism

By

Victor E. Dike

vdike@cwnet.com

 

 

Assessing the politics of a society is, by nature, daunting, as the political behavior of a people is a reflection of the culture, history, geography, ethnicity and values, et cetera, of the society. Understanding the system goes beyond knowing who gets what, where, when, and how. It involves understanding why the people behave the way they do.1 This article argues that the crisis bedeviling Nigeria’s democratization program is caused largely by its “culture of authoritarianism.”2

 

The Nigerian politics that is characterized by intimidation, oppression, and subordination is in most part a product of the general culture. Political democratization involves certain values, which includes freedom of association, citizen participation in decision-making and non-arbitrary rule, tolerance of opposing views, respect for law and order, free and fair elections, leadership transparency, etc. Is Nigeria lacking in the fundamental values and principles of democracy?

 

Authoritarianism has variedly been defined, but that by Dev Raj Dahal is apropos: “Authoritarianism is the tendency for individuals in positions of power to govern, make decisions and policies, without consulting the recipients of those decisions or policies.”3 However, the situation in Nigeria is a bit more troubling and terrifying.

 

When Chief Obasanjo took office in 1999, the people hailed him, because he seemed to project a new posture of democracy. But the New World political climate could not modify his old autocratic behavior, as Nigeria has since been suffocating under his authoritarian rule. During the 2003 elections the ‘maximum-ruler killed some political opponents’ through hired guns to remain in power. As the 2007 election approaches, the society is beset by a succession crisis, because of his obsession with power. And with criminal impunity the PDP is scheming to amend the Nigerian Constitution to suit its selfish third-term agenda. This is scary, horrifying, terrifying, and disturbing!

 

However, since 1999 Nigeria has been witnessing an increasing build-up of authoritarian structures and institutions. The control units, particularly the Police, EFCC, ICPC, SSS, INEC, etc, are authoritarian and thus out of control. Consequently, human rights abuses have worsened in the society over the years, and mostly the common people are feeling the pinch!

 

Modern democratic societies place high premium on the effectiveness and efficiency of these social units, because they depend largely on them for survival.4 The trend has been for nations to create an “open society”5 where no single supper individual would exercise an unusual control over the system. In addition, national interests would supercede personal interests in policy formulation and implementation.

 

But Nigeria is wearing a totalitarian toga and the interests of the ruler and the leading party supercedes national interests. National policies are conducted in secrecy, with endless conspiracies, lying, and power struggle and the voices of dissent are silenced. Arbitrary orders replace social control by setting limits, and everyone is expected to accept any decisions made by the gods. And there is no genuine dialogue with the people, and the society is gradually drifting towards one-party ‘dictatorship.’6 The culture of pervasive corruption is part of the problem, as few Nigerians can resist the attraction of money and political power. And the government takes advantage of that with ‘carrot and stick.’ The government is immersed in the culture of authoritarianism, and not that of democracy.

 

Some analysts seem to argue that the culture of oppression and authoritarianism pervades the Nigerian society, including in typical Nigerian homes where the father, as the head of household, is authoritarian. This character extends to the work place, political parties, and governance; and affects most of the organizations involving Nigerians (including those in the Diaspora), as the officials are often reluctant to relinquish power. Education has limited effect on their behavior, as those who were educated abroad and lived many years in a democratic culture would quickly revert to the dominant culture when they return to the society. Nigeria is not alone in this. Other third world nations seem to have cultures that are supportive of, and resistant to political democratization, as many of them are still struggling to democratize their system.7 Thus the behavior of some of the so-called “democrats,” in many ways, reflect the same authoritarian culture they are protesting against. However, no matter how plausible this argument might appear the people should not tolerate any autocratic and non-democratic leader at this time and age!

 

The behavior of the citizens sheds some light on the culture of the society, and explains their attitude toward its social institutions. Some Nigerians (including the educated elite) think that social institutions belong to the government, and that the government belongs to nobody. This explains the irrational and extractive behavior of the managers of public institutions and the unorthodox activities of the politicians. Institutions, especially political institutions, are controlled, manipulated, and rendered ineffective. And that lives the society choking on its democratization program.

 

Nigeria is today battling with modern day autocracy that retains some “democratic norms.” The system substitutes “democratic” system with “totalitarian rule” in “every sphere of human interest and activity.”8,9 The increasing pattern of centralization and political control by the executive. And this contradicts the principles of democracy that emphasizes freedom of opinion and decentralization of the political system.

 

The political leaders of Nigeria seem to prefer a unitary system where the Governors and National Assembly protect the interests of the god at the center, instead of their constituencies. Because of the tendencies of the present civilian rule Nigeria operates two types of rules: the powerful “rule of lords” for exclusive use of the “political lord;” and the ineffective “rule of law.”10The political “lord” does not communicate with the public, but rather with the ‘patrons, associates, loyalists, and supporters’ that are struggling to control the system.11

 

 

Perhaps, the crises in the polity have continued unabated because Nigeria does not have “a well-defined set of guiding beliefs.” A “set of coherent beliefs,” “overriding values,” and well-defined national goals12 would guide a society and justify the actions of the leader, and serve as standard for measuring their effectiveness (or otherwise) and the progress of the society. For any leader to be adjudged effective he or she must be seen to have been working to accomplish the set goals and remain the servant of the people, and not their god or master. Thus the society is choking on its democratization program because Nigeria is not rule-govern. Rules are important in a society. They save efforts in fashioning a new solution for every problem ensure standardization and equality in treatment and continuity of social programs.13 Lack of rules lead to social chaos, deter social cohesiveness, and hinder innovative ideas.

 

Because of the irrational and undemocratic behavior of the politicians there are many social problems littering the political landscape. The failure of the governments (local, state, and federal) to resolve the lingering social problems in the society has contributed to the formation of many militant groups that are willing to use force to obtain redress for the abuse and neglect. The chaotic and corrupt nature of Nigerian politics has increased the people’s distrust for political institutions. This has also diminished their confidence in the present administration, as they doubt its sincerity, and even its legitimacy.

 

Nigeria is facing a serious democratization challenge from its authoritarian political structures. Given the contradictions in the society one could conclude that the leaders are not really committed to the enthronement of true democracy in the society. To move forward democratically Nigeria needs a progressive democratic culture that protects human rights and nurtures democratic values, effective institutions to control the activities of the gods, so as to create conditions that would enable the citizens to realize their dreams.

 

Thus until the society adopts a democratic culture and behave and act democratically; and until Nigerians learn to take actions to control the gods and solve their social problems, instead of mere complaining. And until they learn to improve their political efficacy and hold the politicians responsible for their actions, and refuse to transform them into gods. Until the politicians learn to play the game of politics on modern ideological platform and become sensitive to the feelings, wishes, and yearning of the people. And until they learn to eschew corruption and become oriented to long-run gratification, instead of the short-run gratification that is rampant in contemporary Nigerian politics. Until the opposition parties learn to win the trust, interest, and imagination of the people. And until the control agencies are truly independent and sanction corrupt behaviors accordingly. Finally, until Nigeria destroys the “culture of authoritarianism” that is choking the democratization program Nigerian politics will remain authoritarian with the catalogue of human miseries.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

References

 

1. Harold G. Lasswell: Politics: Who Gets What, When, and How (Peter Smith Publisher Inc., January 1990; first published 1936)

2. Roderic Ai Camp: Politics in Mexico: The Decline of Authoritarianism (Third Ed.)

(New York: Oxford University Press, 1999)

3. Dev Raj Dahal: Civics in Nepal – Contemporary Society Course (not dated); also see

(http:\\www.nepaldemocracy.org-education/civics-contents.html)

4. Amitai Etzioni: Modern Organizations (Englewood Cliffs: PrenticeHall, 1964)

5. George Soros: The Crisis of Global Capitalism: Open Society Endangered (New York: PublicAffairs, 1998). See also Open Society: Reforming Global Capitalism (New York: PublicAffairs, 2000).

6. Carl J. Friedrich and Zbigniew K. Brzezinski: Totalitarian Dictatorship and Autocracy (New York: Frederick A.Praeger, 1965).

7. Roderic Ai Camp: Politics in Mexico: (1999) Ibid.

8. Daniel Chirot: Modern Tyrants: The Power and Prevalence of Evil in Our Age (New York: Maxwell Macmillan International, 1994).

9. Robert H. Jackson and Carl G. Rosberg: Personal Rule in Black Africa: Prince, A Autocrat, Prophet, Tyrant (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982)

10. Asian Legal Resource Center: “Introduction: Rule of law versus rule of lords in Thailand
” (Vol. 4, No. 2, April 2005)

11. Barrington Moore, Jr.: The Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lords and Peasants in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966)

12.Thomas J. Peters and Robert H. Waterman, Jr.: In Search of Excellence: Lessons from America’s Best-Run Companies (New York: Warner Books, 1982)

13. Amitai Etzioni: (1964) Ibid.

 

Victor E. Dike, author of Democracy and Political Life in Nigeria (Zaria, Nigeria: ABU Press, 2001), is Adjunct Assistant Professor, School of Engineering and Technology, National University (Sacramento Campus), California.