For Democracy's Sake, Give Women a Change– Mbagwu

By

Nduka Uzuakpundu

ozieni@yahoo.com

There is a new phase of challenges facing renascent democracies in Africa. From years of instability and ingrained insecurity, occasioned, in the mass, by intermittent military intervention in politics – to the detriment of orderly progress of human development – the continent’s new democratic states are having to contend with how best to manage and consolidated peace in the post-military, 21st Century era. Part of the crisis in the democratic states – including Sierra Leone, Liberia, Cote d’Ivoire, the Sudan, Togo, Rwanda, South Africa, Democratic Republic of Congo, Nigeria et al – issues from the unchanging and unregulated shades and character of the major players in politics in the past two decades. The Nigerian example, almost by design, has shown a near-hopeless domination of nearly all strategic positions in public life by the military and their cronies. Indeed, since the end of the First Republic, it’s been quite difficult to have truly independent, new breed posse of both elected and nominated leaders in crucial public office – like the House of Assembly and Presidency. Thus, it would seem that even after the real din of conflict – as in the Biafran War – has subsided, those who should have less to do with the core issues of contesting and gaining civil power and distribution of resources – on account of their professional training – are still very visible in public life – almost by default. And this culture of the dominance of the political terrain – by one professional class – has had some less tidy effects on the prospects of good governance. For one, it has tended to militarise some sections of civil society, which, in turn, has given rise to inter-ethnic rivalry and blood-shed. For another, it has tended to make civil society less cohesive and disempowered – such that elected deputies are certainly not the genuine representatives of their roots, but those of their ex-military god-fathers, who may come from far-flung constituencies. There is an almost clear case of cross-national power play – one that knows no tribal or ethnic boundaries. The actors, behind the scene, are mainly the military and their cronies, who have siphoned the resources of the country into their private pockets. It’s, perhaps, less surprising, therefore, that almost in vain does civil society call for a durable and effective political reform, such that those allegedly elected into office – from the Local Government level to the National Assembly – could be compelled to play by the rules of accountability and transparency. By May 2007, Nigeria would have conducted two democratic elections in the first decade of the 21st Century. That ought to be a time for every well-meaning worker, tax-payer and voter to reflect on some key issues of development that could help the cause of the country’s democracy. It ought to be a period to ponder on the need for an informed reconstruction of the country’s democratic institutions and processes - such that they wear a beautiful human mien. The same period ought, still, to occasion a constructive reflection – and, if necessary, a national debate on whether the egregious dominance of the Nigerian political terrain – four decades on – by men, especially the military, and their associates in civilian uniform, has been a blessing or a curse. On the eve of the 2007 polls, Mrs. Joan Mbagwu, Executive Director of Olive Branch Konsult, a Lagos-based consultancy firm, thinks that the current democratic dispensation ought to be one for a profound national discourse on the role of women – within the distance of the next generation of public officers. Implied in her thoughts is a need to arrest the predominance of men on the Nigerian political landscape, via a surge of women actively involved in the contest for elective political posts. For, four decades on, the practice of tokenism of having an infinitesimally microscopic fraction of women, whose tribe constitutes a clear majority in the Nigerian demography, in decision-making positions – like the legislature and the executive – is not only wrong-headed injustice, but also a sure recipe for under-development. Mbagwu’s thesis backs a need for Nigeria, in her political and democratic praxis, to embark on a persuasive reconstruction of the road to elective political offices – so as to accommodate an impressive bevy of brainy and productive women, who could contribute to national development. This is a thesis that calls for a national revisit and consultation on such international, gender-related instruments as the Beijing Platform for Action (BPFA) and the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) – to which Nigeria is a signatory. The pro-women discourse, which Mbagwu’s take in political development inspires, could be summed up thus: yes, we, Nigerians, are very much appreciate our male leaders, but it’s high time society made a deliberate choice to break male monopoly of crucial – and strategic – leadership positions in this country. We’re far less likely to achieve durable human development, without conscious – and generous – political investments in our womenfolk. A first – and inspiring step, to that effect, should be a melting of the cultural and traditional practices that, to this day, have held women in a firm leash; preventing them from robust involvement in politics. Part of that reform, again, should be a revisit, with a renewed sense of purpose, what programmes the plethora of political parties have for the socio-political advancement of women. Where none exists, it’s advised that women organisations – alongside the National Council on Women Societies (NCWS), Women in Nigeria (WIN) et al – should essay leading an advocacy movement, in liaison with non-governmental organisations, to the effect that all the 45 political parties should, if they were ever to enjoy the luxury of women’s vote, present an unambiguous, practical blue print, which would make for women’s political progress. The point – in such an advocacy, which may have to draw the support of the state and national legislatures – should be made, that no nation makes any worthwhile economic and political progress, when half its productive population is benignly locked out of the political arena.

Mbagwu – many a Nigerian voter interested in peace-building, so that democracy can flourish, untrammelled, with her – would be happier with a revitalised civil society, which applauds women’s participation in politics. That’s one aspect of social and political rethink, like a gender-friendly revolution, that should start from the family level to the academic community. With more women in elective leadership and decision-making positions – let the likes of Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, ex-foreign affairs minister and her successor, Professor Joy Uche Ogwu, amongst others, surge – Mbagwu’s well-informed thinking is that they would surely make a welcome difference: a non-macho-oriented polity; a polity blessed with the peaceful features of feminity, and favours dialogue, as a more civilised means of settling political misunderstanding; the care of motherhood in preserving national security; prudent management of national resources – just as they manage the home front – and, amongst others, a new national political dawn, which drives home the message that the last four decades of male domination of the Nigerian political turf has been a function of faulty judgement. With a bevy of stirring women in power, democracy would be richer by the attendant demilitarisation of civil society, transparent poverty eradication campaign and the culture of peace that it breeds.

 

*Nduka Uzuakpundu is a Lagos-based journalist.