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Fascism: The Ekiti Example By Kola Ibrahim
Again, the country is thrown to another round of barbarism and jackboot authoritarianism by no other set of people than the intellectually bankrupt, politically corrupt, economically fraudulent and socially retrogressive set of ruling class symbolized by Obasanjo-led PDP. For the second term, the nation is witnessing another round of emergency rule and for anybody who understand what a democracy should represent, it is glaring that Nigeria is neither democracy nor transiting towards it. In fact, within the present framework, Nigeria cannot practice democracy.
When the processes for the removal of the terrific Ayodele Fayose was started by the sycophantic and chicken-hearted state assembly, not few well meaning persons including myself were happy that at least the terrible dust in our noses will be sneezed out. This notion is not a product of any trust in either the corrupt state assembly, which in it sycophantic manner had helped Fayose eliminated his former deputy (Biodun Aluko) or any successor (be it Aderemi, Olujimi or any elected person from other equally ideologically bankrupt party), but that at least the interest of the Ekiti working masses will be tangential to that of the corrupt politicians in the state.
However, interests and views were divided immediately the state assembly made the inglorious error of suspending the chief judge of the state. For those who claimed to be “defending democracy and rule of law” like Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), this is the opportunity to show their “true worth”. The banality of the NBA’s position on the issue is its selectivity in addressing this matter. When the former deputy governor (Aluko) of the state was removed with all so-called rule of law thrown to the Atlantic Ocean, NBA kept mute, ditto for removal of the former CJ of the state, while NBA has maintained a low key on Ladoja’s case. To add insult upon injury, when the former CJ Bamisile was alleged to have collected N15 million from Fayose, NBA issued no statement calling for the removal of Bamisile, so as to “protect the rule of law”, at least rule of law cannot be protected where a corrupt judiciary exist. Furthermore, when Fayose was terrorizing the state, looting the meager resources of the state, no NBA called for his removal, but when there was a slight opportunity to ‘shine’, the new executive of the NBA led by a one time human right activist, did not lose a second in calling for the truncation of the whole process.
NBA failed to realise that there is only one law in Nigeria which is Olusegun Obasanjo who act on behalf of imperialism in Nigeria. If the house had accepted the Bamisile committee but rejected its recommendation and went ahead to impeach the governor and his vice, the similar situation would have existed in as much as directive of Obasanjo for the retention of Mrs. Olujimi subsists. It should have been glaring to NBA that any position taken by them without taking the politico-economic analysis of the situation will lead to creating the legal basis for Obasanjo and his kitchen cabinet to justify their selfish interest of preserving Ekiti (and indeed the whole country) for the ultra-conservative PDP. Persons and Organization like NBA have provided the basis for Obasanjo to further distabilise the country in order to preserve their corrupt privileges and rule over the country.
If federal government and its supporters like the NBA are sincere about the rule of law, while did they not advise Olujimi, Bamisile and Fayose to approach court of law for redress rather than supporting anarchy through provision of armed security for Olujimi. At least, the same advice was given to Ladoja. The fact is that the federal government has already drawn its plans beforehand, and only need time and excuse to act it out. And the plan is simple: PDP rule through Olujimi or military intervention. This particular plan had been stated two years ago by the now secretary of the party, Ojo Madueke.
What happened in Ekiti will surely repeat itself in Anambra and Plateau. If Dariye resorts to use of anarchy in sustaining himself in power, surely another emergency rule is imminent as Obasanjo who could tolerate disobedience from Ekiti lawmakers will never tolerate any opposition from any other governor. Also, with the aggressiveness the lawmakers in Anambra state have put to the impeachment move against the state governor (an adopted son of Obasanjo), another emergency rule is possible in the state. When these processes play themselves out, Obasanjo would have become the lord of the manor such that even if Obasanjo hands over power in 2007, the stage would have been set for the authoritarianism. People are still expecting response of NBA and others on the impeachment processes in Plateau and Anambra. In Plateau, the EFCC and the federal government are supporting the minority (eight!) section against the governor. The speaker and other members were purportedly removed because they have decamped to Action Congress, but the same government sponsoring military exercise in Plateau, failed to remove Sen. Musiliu Obanikoro who decamped from AD to PDP aside others like Ogunlewe, etc, who decamped to PDP. If the security provided for the lawmakers in Plateau state was provided for the state two years ago, maybe emergency rule would have been avoided.
However, the insincerity of the Obasanjo government should not be interpreted to mean sincerity of the Ekiti lawmakers. In fact, on a moral basis, the Ekiti lawmakers deserved their removal because from time, they have been surrogate of the Fayose/Obasanjo, but it was when their privileges were threatened by the ambition of Fayose for perpetuity, that they embarked on the struggle of survival of the fittest, which consumed them. Now that the Obasannjo government is planning to return Fayose to power through the corrupt judicial process, one awaits the response of NBA on this.
What is happening in the Nigeria’s political plain is a reflection of the contradiction of capitalist politics which is based on bloody competition for surplus value by various cliques of the bourgeois ruling class. In neo-colonial economy like Nigeria where the economy is controlled by the multinationals and imperialist centre of Western Europe, US and Japan, and the Nigerian capitalists being dependent on the rents paid by the multinationals as royalty and taxes, the politics will not only be dirty but also deadlier than in the advanced countries. Therefore, the competition for surplus value is manifested first in the political plain in Nigeria unlike in advanced capitalist countries where it is manifested first in the economic plain before moving to political plain. The most successful section of the ruling class – the PDP, after acquiring the unimaginable power and privilege through the suppression of the people’s yearning for a better society, has turned to a contradiction of itself.
The party is so big that the interests of each member is becoming antagonistic to each other such that the lower caste of the ruling class wants to move up while there is also a deadly struggle amongst various groups of the upper stratum of the ruling class. As the struggle intensifies, each class will use its might to appropriate unimaginable wealth and ossify its power, thus pauperizing the vast majority of the working people while suppressing their will thus generating serious inter-class struggle. If the working people find no leadership within its rank to lead it toward socio-economic salvation, working class will diffuse to different sections of the ruling class. At this point fascism shall prevail.
In Nigeria today, the signs of fascism are fast emerging with the happenings in Ekiti and those of Plateau and Anambra. The bigger rats are struggling for control of the nation’s wealth as exemplified by the Obasanjo/Atiku feud, North/South power tussle, etc, while the smaller rats in states and local governments are struggling to retain their positions and privileges against the interests of the bigger rats. In this process, the working people are at the receiving end. They are the ones that will bear the brunt of repressive emergency rule; they will bear the brunt of diversion of people’s wealth for selfish and political interests of the ruling class. As time goes on, they will seek for alternative route out of the misery. Unless the labour leaders, working class and pro-democracy activists come together and form a political platform to wrestle political power from the corrupt, ideologically bankrupt capitalist ruling class in various bourgeois parties, and champion the genuine interests of the working and poor people, the present contradiction will result in fascism. Labour leaders must stop phrase mongering and unprincipled struggle, they must champion the demand for massively funded, publicly managed social services like free, and qualitative education, Medicare and transportation; job security for all with adequate living wage and pension; old age care, massively funded environmental restoration activities, etc. All these can be adequately if the huge wealth (both monetary (over $100 billion since 1999), human and artificial) of the country is nationalized and controlled democratically by the working and toiling people who create the wealth. This cannot be achieved within the framework of the bourgeois politics. It needs working people’s politics.
To this end, they should organise community, industrial, regional and national platforms for workers, students, pensioners, unemployed and the youth to ossify the strength of the poor people which will cut across ethnic, religious and other petty interests. This present contradiction originating from the Ekiti crisis will either result in “reconstitution of the society or common ruin of the contending classes and sub-classes”.
Kola Ibrahim
Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife.
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