Education and Democracy: A Call to Action

By

Sadiq A. Abdullahi

abdullahis@dadeschools.net

 

In February 2007, Segun Akinyode reacted to my article Education and Democracy in Nigeria: Vision 2020. In his article, The Hope for Education in Nigeria by 2020: A Reaction to Sadiq A. Abdullahi. Segun expressed serious concern about our inability to implement education reform in the country. Much has already been written about the problems and politics of education in Nigeria. The time seems to be right to shift attention to the implementation of educational policies. But how do we deal with the politics and personalities involved when there is so much corruption and distrust in Nigeria?

 

Segun has offered some solutions. First, he acknowledged that “Nigeria has never lacked sound, workable and well-intentioned policy on education neither has the country lacked practicable system of education.” He wrote that “the major problem intriguing the education industry in Nigeria is not the absence of informed, rational, insightful and directional submissions on how to pull the system out of the abyss of rot in which it is currently wallowing. Rather, it is the lack of willingness on the part of the policy maker and those charged with the responsibility of implementing policies. He has challenged us to rise and act to save education in Nigeria.

 

As we know, the problem of education, and perhaps of schooling, is a complex one. Most nations of the world continue to struggle to provide quality education to all its citizenry. Even in America, the government has historically struggled to educate children of poor and disadvantaged parents. In Nigeria, the problem is more complicated. The complexity of managing and governing a nation and people that see and define themselves as Yorubas, Igbos, Hausa/Fulanis, Tivs, Itshekiris, Urbohos, Ijaws, etc, poses a unique challenge to our leadership. Segun seems to understand this complexity.

 

Take for example, the management, control, and funding of the three levels of education- primary, secondary, and tertiary, continue to pose a serious challenge to government at all levels. The Nigerian Constitution did not offer a clear direction in this regard; but delegates the primary responsibility of educating the populace to the state and local governments. In most countries, the federal government has limited involvement in education. This is true in America, where the national government, particularly the executive branch, has found a way through federal dollars to remain relevant in education. The state governments and local school districts bear the most brunt of ensuring the implementation of educational policies. The implementation of state and district policies and the day-to-day running of schools are done at the school site (the decentralization of education). The local school boards formulate and write school policies. They hire a superintendent to coordinate the efforts. In Nigeria, local governments, working closely with the Local Government Education Authorities (LGEAs) are charged with similar mandates.

 

Segun believes that “an integral part of policy formulation is determining the amount of cash needed for the execution of the policy and it is the responsibility of the sitting powers to ensure that enough cash is made available for the actualization of the policy.” The sitting powers he is referring to are: the president (executive) and the legislators (national assembly). Consider, for example, the amount of money allocated to education in Nigeria between May 1999 and August 2006. The federal government has allocated to the 36 state governments over $35.6 billion (over N4.6 trillion) for running of the states. Additional $23.4 billion (more than N3 trillion) was also allocated to the 774 Local Government Councils (LGC) to support the states in running its affairs. The funds are meant for public hospitals, public secondary schools, and universities, as well as for investment in other basic public infrastructure Local governments are responsible for building and maintaining primary school facilities and providing them with educational materials and other basic amenities (Human Right Watch, 2007; Federal Government of Nigeria, 2006).

 

Consider also the original intent of our founding fathers, Alhai Tafawa Balewa, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Nnamdi Azikwe, Alhaji Aminu Kano and past educators on education. These individuals attempted to use education as the catalyst to foster a sense of unity and peace in Nigeria. Because a few individuals and groups continue to manage and control the politics and wealth of Nigeria, sustaining the quality of education has been difficult.

 

Furthermore, consider also the argument that the nation has not fully developed or strengthened the social and political institutions and infrastructures that will sustain human and capital development and growth in the country since the civic war ended in 1970. Our inability as a nation to overcome the pain and ravages of the war and to forgive those who have miscalculated during the war, and to have the courage to reconcile our differences, has made the situation in Nigeria very difficult. This has deepened the prejudice and hatred among our people. We have to learn from our past, because the present shapes the future. The current present political vibes emanating from the executive branch (Obasanjo vs. Atiku) does not support our vision for education by the year 2020.

 

Segun is right. I may be dreaming! And thirteen years may not be realistic for a meaningful reform in education. But dreams do come true. My dream of seeing our education sector revives itself and become more efficient and effective is a dream I can tolerate. But the recent announcement that the Minister of Education, Dr. Oby Ezekwesili, the architect of VISION 2020, has been tapped as the next World Bank’s Vice- President for Africa, will make my dream a bit unpleasant.