Nigeria: Thank You, Obasanjo

By

Saad S. Khan

 

The developing world is full of heroes and villains. In the absence of proper functioning institutions in place, the people pin their hopes to individuals to deliver; hence hero worship. The ups and downs in national history are also explained in terms of the “goodness” or “badness” of the person at the helm at a given time. Hence, unlike in the West, extreme passions, of love or of hate, or even of both, are evoked when a discussion on the role or contribution of a political leader gets discussed. Hardly anyone in Pakistan would dispute that Jinnah was a hero, and hardly anyone in Iraq may contest that Saddam was a villain. But rarely is the situation so straight and simple. Mostly, the leaders of the countries that were formerly characterized as the third world, have themselves switched positions in  the public perceptions and expectations. President Olusegun Obasanjo has the dubious, though not rare, distinction of being a hero and a villain, for the nation he led three times as President, including his stint of military rule, not the least for faults and follies of his own.
 
He first became President in 1976 in the chaos following the assassination of his boss, and former military dictator, Brig. Gen. Murtala Mohamamad, in an abortive coup attempt. Obasanjo ruled the country for three years and tried faithfully to install a genuine American-style two-party Presidential democracy. Elections were held and a civilian Shehu Shagari took office in 1979, only to be toppled by another military coup four years down the road. Obasanjo won plaudits not only in his country but across the world for being the first military ruler of a major African country to have voluntarily relinquished office for an elected civilian government. He renounced politics and retired to his native state on his agriculture farm. His number two during military rule was a guy called Gen. Shehu Musa Yar’adua who was the brain behind the idea of restoration of democracy.
 
The country experienced a long spell of military rule from the toppling of Shagari till Obasanjo came to the rescue and restored democracy a decade and a half later. Coup leader against Shagari was General Buhari, but he was replaced 20 months later by a palace coup from General Ibrahim Babangida. The new ruler imprisoned his boss for another 40 months. Then, came the rascal Sani Abacha, who was probably in run to be in the Guinness Book of World Records for corruption, ruthlessness and misrule.
 
During the sixteen years of military misrule (1983-98), the country experimented with every stupid thing on earth; civil servants were made to “frog jump” publicly as a humiliating punishment for being late in office; Buses’ passengers were whipped by unruly police to make queues; all parties were banned and two parties (curiously named Democratic and Republican) were made from above, to “thrust” American-style democracy in the country in a single day. Once, “corrupt politicians” were barred to contest election through the novel way of banning “every politician” to contest the elections. When the elections lost legitimacy, everybody was re-allowed to jump into the fray. Once under the promise of return to democracy, presidential elections were also held which were won by Chief Masood Abiola; but to him power was never transferred. Abiola died in prison, while his wife got murdered outside it by state agents.
 
Meanwhile, the three dictators took turns to court the dame “Political Islam”. The country jumped in and out of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), a crude measure of a country’s self-identification with wider Muslim world; hired and fired Islamists to important positions; and “tried and untried” Shariah laws in a country where less than 40% people are Christians. All occurred upon the whims of the rulers and their brain waves leading them to orientation or disorientation towards political Islam.
 
The sudden death of Sani Abacha in 1998 brought a breeze of fresh air into Nigerian politics. Hundreds of leading personalities in the country, locked by Abacha for actual or presumed political threat, were released. Not coincidentally, Obasanjo was one of them who had been incarcerated three years back, in 1995, for an alleged conspiracy to topple Abacha. Well, Abacha was so unpopular, at that time, that presumably the only citizen decidedly not “conspiring” to get rid of Abacha, must have been Abacha himself. But the axe fell on leading politicians alone. Another pro democracy politician who was sent to death, but punishment commuted to 25 years in jail, was the former Vice President Shehu Ya’adua.
 
Obasanjo reentered politics and a tide of popular support brought him, Presidential palace in 1999 for a four year term, to which he was reelected in 2003, for his second, and constitutionally the last, elected term. Yar’adua had meanwhile died in prison in 1997 and had not lived to see his cherished dream to see a democratic Nigeria. Obasanjo soon became a champion of democracy in his country and abroad. Declaring that “age of military coups is over in Africa”, his troops were ready to take on anywhere in the region, be that Sierra Leone or Liberia, to bully military coup leaders or potential coup attempters to respect civilian authority.
 
What he did not mention, however, was that era of “civilian coups” had not ended and this is what he tried. First, he picked a fig leaf from the trick books of all African dictators in attempting to undo the constitutional bar on the president to get elected more than twice. When the Vice President Atiku Abu Bakar stood in his way, he expelled him from his party. When the Senate blocked his way, he tried to bully the Senators to support him or be tried for corruption charges. To give his independent Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) a semblance of legitimacy and credibility, the Governors were also probed. The dirty linen came in public as “only” 31 of the 36 state Governors are now under inquiry for corruption by the EFCC. Once the Presidential immunity goes, Obasanjo may find himself find himself in the EFCC flak.
 
Now when the Nigerian parliament has thrown his ambitions to be “President-in-perpetuity” into air, he is now trying to influence the Presidential elections to get his nominee catapulted into the President House. Obasnjo never forgets that the prefix H.E. in Nigeria, before the name of the President, does not stand for “His Excellency” but for “His Eternity” or “His Eccentricity”. Alas, whatever democratic credentials Obasanjo had achieved in years for himself and his country, have been destroyed brick by brick by none other than himself.
 
In fairness to Obasanjo, however, one must emphasize that his choice of successor, even if driven by personal motivations, is not unfair. The friend he has chosen to be his ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) candidate is none other than Amaru Yar’adua, the relatively less-known present Governor of Northern state of Katsina and the younger brother of his former deputy, Gen Shehu Yar’adua. The younger Yar’adua is one of the five Governors who are untainted by corruption investigations. He is financially prudent and all in favour of “capitalism”, in stark contrast to the socialist leanings of his deceased elder brother. Yar’adua’s running mate is a Southerner named Goodluck Jonathan. Late Yar’adua elder, had he been alive, might have been upset at the undemocratic ways, Obasanjo is trying to support his younger brother.
 
Obasanjo’s own Vice President was expelled from PDP, ostensibly for attending a convention of the opposition Action Congress (AC), but basically for opposing Obasanjo’s attempt to tinker with the constitution to his own advantage. Little wonder, Atiku Abu Bakar is now the presidential candidate from Action Congress. Bakar’s stand against Obasanjo, even if for his own personal benefit, is his only major plus. He has a lot of wealth to plausibly account for; part of it remains unexplained, part ill-explained, and part poorly explained. His rationalization of fabulous wealth, i.e. “right investments at the right time” is too good to be true, at least, in the Nigerian context. Add to it, his personal life style and his having four wives; none of which would make him a befitting person to ascend the presidency.
 

Both the living former military rulers, Mohammad Buhari and Ibrahim Babangida have now re-discovered their love for democracy, and following the footsteps of Obasanjo, have jumped into the fray. Buhari has won nomination from his All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP) while Babangida has been snubbed by every major party. Buhari is now the only competitor left in the field as just four days before elections, Atiku Abu Bakar has been disqualified on “corruption charges”. It tastes too bad as the timing smacks of political motivation behind this move. Obasanjo hates Bakar and even when he has swallowed the snub of “no further term” from the Senate, he is not willing to let his estranged Vice President ascent to the office he occupies. Bakar goes to the Supreme Court but his supporters have given their judgment in the streets by violently and vehemently protesting. Forty people have died so far. A partying credit to Obasanjo!

 
Presidential contest is due on 20th April and all three leading contenders are Northerners and Muslim. Obasanjo was an Evangelist Christian and a Southerner. The role of religion may not be the major concern of the new president. The greatest challenge that lies ahead for the winner will be good governance, something on which Obasanjo had let them down. Even after eight years of civilian rule after 16 years of military despotism, the Nigerians have already started asking whether Democracy is worth defending. What a shame! In the interest of sustainable and credible democracy, the Nigerians will do well in not to allowing a former dictator to be elected. For the time being, Yar’adua seems the best bet. May God Save Nigeria!. The views/comments of valued readers are always welcome at Saad.S.Khan1@gmail.com.
 

The Writer is an Oxford-published Cambridge-educated widely-read analyst on politics of the Muslim world.

 

Saad S. Khan

Director,

GIK Institute of Engineering Sciences & Technology,

Topi, Distt Swabi, NWFP