Beyond Asari Dokubo: Anatomy of the New
Armed Struggle in Niger-Delta
By
Senior Fyneface
PORT HARCOURT
senior_fyneface@yahoo.com
When an expatriate friend of mine
described government policy as the act of “using big sounding grammar to
explain stupid decisions”, he was not very far from the truth. How else
can anybody explain the left-handed decision of the former president,
Chief Olusegun Obasanjo and his cronies in governments of some Niger
Delta states particularly Rivers State to corn Asari Dokubo into
detention? That singular miscalculation produced the near- state of
anarchy and arms proliferation in the region.
Alhaji Asari Dokubo had dealings with
the then Rivers State Government until the events leading to the April
2003 election when he publicly condemned the level of rigging and
electoral injustices in the state. From that point, he went on a
campaign to seek redress of what he perceived as outright denial or
rather robbery of the constitutional rights of the people of the state.
When he insisted on thwarting that
electoral fraud, it was alleged that “very top officials” of the then
Rivers State Government raised a parallel armed group led by Ateke Tom
to checkmate the rising power and fame of Alhaji Asari Dokubo. And what
happened between Asari and the group allegedly sponsored by government
created the continued –deteriorating security problem and current arms
proliferation in Rivers State particularly in Port Harcourt . But this
is not the matter under this discus.
Anybody who knew or worked closely with
Asari would not be scared to get into Okija shrine to swear that
sometime in 2005, the leader of the Niger Delta Peoples Volunteer Force
genuinely became born-again both in his thinking and his actions. Rather
than continue with his previous militant approach to the agitation for
full resource control by the Niger Delta people, Asari risked everything
he had including his life, wealth and loyalties of some of his most
faithful subordinates to advocate for a political solution to the Niger
Delta question. That was the point his organization metamorphosed into
Niger Delta Peoples Salvation Front.
The turn-around Asari freely gave up
arms and ammunition in his possession to the government-sponsored Niger
Delta arms-recovery task force even in the glaring face of insincerity
on the side of the government-backed Ateke Tom who only submitted
useless arms to the Army Second Amphibious Brigade, Bori Camp, Port
Harcourt. Asari himself on one of the arms destruction occasions was
bitterly vexed when he openly protested that the guns the task force was
destroying were not the new and fire-able ones he willingly surrendered.
Some people in the then Rivers State Government were going to Aba to buy
locally-made guns not only to exchange with the new riffles submitted by
the repentant militants but to make huge money from the state government
that paid about N250, 000 for every new AK or K-2 riffles willingly
surrendered by the repentant militants.
Before Asari was tricked into a fake
amnesty and subsequent detention he was fully enmeshed in the PRONACO
campaign where he believed he can freely present and get genuine
attention on the plight of the Niger Delta people on issues concerning
decades of oil and gas extraction and criminal neglect of the region by
successive central governments particularly the so-called democratically
elected Obasanjo administration.
If the Government had anything that
could have been likened to an intelligence apparatus whether SSS, NIA or
even military intelligence they could have generated enough intelligence
to confirm that as the time they corned Asari into detention, he
represented a rallying point of all the aggrieved Niger Delta youths who
were bent on seeking redress by whatever means. The NDPSF was highly
respected by all the aggrieved youths no matter their affiliation
because they have tested Asari’s intention and were convinced it was not
selfish but for the good of all the peoples of the Niger Delta. Asari
was well respected by all and rather than abuse his elevated position,
he used it as a command and control mechanism to check the criminal
activities of the different groups. He gave brotherly advice and
instructions and nobody dares to disobey because of the grave
consequences. But all that are history now as a result of the absence of
the big brother from the scene.
Former President Obasanjo’s arrest of
Asari created the existing pockets of armed groups majority of whom lack
the discipline and focus which the earlier campaigners were known for,
indeed, most of them could be rightly described as criminal and cult
gangs that has also been involved in hostage taking. We now have groups
like MEND and Authentic MEND, COMA (real and authentic), NDPVF, NDPSF
and so on. In addition, people like the estranged Ateke Tom, the leader
of the Niger Delta Vigilante Group who was declared wanted by both the
Rivers State and Federal Governments can never agree to drop arms not to
talk of taking instructions from Alhaji Asari Dokubo.
The estranged Asari’s second in command
and also one time second in command to Ateke’s Vigilante group, Soboma
George who allegedly escaped from Port Harcourt prison and is freely
moving around Port Harcourt has successfully created his own army and
may want to be seen as militants fighting for resource control rather
than being labeled as street cult criminals.
Elsewhere in Bayelsa and Delta States,
the vacuum of Asari’s disciplined leadership in the resource right
campaign also succeeded in creating not less than ten groups though
majority lack the expertise (in terms of education) and organizational
structure to be seriously taken as organized militant groups but
somehow, they organized enough to effectively carry out hostage taking
and housing activities.
Although the picture in the Ogoni axis
is exactly not clear but from recent incidents in the Afam Power Station
and the Aluminum Smelter Plant at Ikot Abasi where expatriates were
successfully taking hostage and housed for weeks, and considering the
not-too-difficult terrain in the area, it is obvious that some groups in
Ogoniland may have decided to abandoned the Ogoni-peaceful- approach to
resource control agitation. Needless to say that the Obasanjo-led
government successfully deceived the Ogoni people into thinking that the
Hassan Kukah- led mediation team would address the resource control and
environmental conflict between the people and the Anglo-Dutch concern,
Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria . Kukah’s Obasanjo
assignment could best be described as a well packaged deceit to buy
time, destabilize Ogoni people and force Shell’s re-entry into
Ogoniland. And because the Kukah – led gang so far has failed to achieve
anything, younger Ogoni people seems to be fast converting into armed
militants rather than waiting for the Kukah messiah who spends more time
conducting secret weddings between Obasanjo and Stella and other couples
who are 70 years and above in age.
The most dangerous angle to the
no-solution-in-sight-saga in the Niger Delta is the end of tenure and
the EFCC threat on some governors and other elected officials of the
region. These governors and politicians created majority of these armed
gangs for use in their political coercion of opponents and with the EFCC
on their heels, they may want to fall back to the short-time secured
shield of the militant groups. This is all part of the jig-saw problem
created by Obasanjo’s wrong approach to the agitation for resource
control. Most of these politicians including some that are still in
power would want to remain relevant not only in the scheme of the
political affairs of the region but at the national level. So they may
not easily give up their fraternity or patronage of the armed groups.
From his public posturing as was
reported in the media, it was obvious that President Umaru Yar’dua
wanted to quickly thrash out the Asari Dokubo matter. So he willingly
agreed to an arrangement that would see the government drop the treason
charges proffered against the NDPVF leader renounce his violent
disposition towards the Nigerian state and play a critical role in
disarming the various militant groups in the creeks and swamps of the
Niger Delta. This was where ‘Umourru’ goofed woefully.
Truth be told, there is very little
Asari can do now to dissuade some of the armed gangs. He can still
dialogue with the organized groups but majority of the existing gangs
would not listen to him as they may want to also show that they are
strong forces to be reckoned with in their different domains. This is
the big problem the un- informed arrest of Asari Dokubo has created in
the Niger Delta. More so, some of the existing and well armed groups
were dissidents from the well-discipline Asari-led NDPSF like Soboma
George and others. Also leaders like Ateke Tom knowing fully well that
the government want to eliminate him, as he earlier alleged, may want to
continue his armed struggle not only to shield himself but also to earn
a living.
Did Asari promised Yar’dua not to hold,
address or participate in any political meetings? If yes, then this was
a big lie. The leader of the NDPSF would hold, address, and participate
in gathering/meetings not minding whether anybody would describe such
meetings as political or socio-ethnic (Ijaw village meeting). Most of
the strings given as conditions for Asari’s bail were not only laughable
but could be rightly described as presidential jokes. President Yar’dua
should know that nobody arrested Asari Dokubo rather the man walked with
his legs into the Police headquarters in Port Harcourt . It would have
been very impossible to arrest Asari in Port Harcourt or anywhere in
Rivers, Bayelsa and some parts of Delta states considering the level of
loyalty and acceptance he enjoyed across the region. So any dream of
re-arresting him may be a mirage.
There is a strong rumour making the
rounds across the region concerning the high level of suspicion in the
entire Obasanjo-packaged and Yar’dua executed free-Asari –
to-disarm-militant - programme. There is obvious indication that one of
the aims of such sudden – twist by the Abuja government may be to
pitch Asari Dokubo against leaders of some of the groups who may not be
in a hurry to renounce their armed struggle and its attendant
obstruction of oil and gas production in the region.
Well, whatever the Yar’dua Presidency
compelled Alhaji Asari Dokubo to agree to, the truth is that from the
real situation on ground, Asari no longer has the capacity to stop the
armed struggles across the region and the former President, Chief
Obasanjo should be seriously blamed for his mismanagement of the entire
crisis.
Truth be told, there is looming
catastrophe in the sure-to-escalate armed uprising and President Yar’dua
should do Nigeria well to genuinely face the problem eyeball to eyeball
by urgently addressing the demands of the region rather than doling out
cash gift to a few individuals. In addition, the President should not
even think that government whether Nigerian or American military might
can address the problem. And if the federal government prefers to use
the American military might to deal with the situation, he will succeed
only in dislodging the protesters from the creeks into the streets of
the various cities in the country and this would be more dangerous.
As was rightly pointed out in the
media, it would be “instructive and immensely rewarding” for the Yar’dua
Presidency to trace the history of the agitation and provide those basic
things especially infrastructures that the people of the region are
demanding. If the new president fails to show convincing sincerity in
the matter, shorter than expected even with American military
intervention, Nigeria may soon find it difficult to take oil and gas
away from the Niger Delta and may be from the near and deep offshore
production platforms.
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