Let Goodluck Jonathan Be[1]

By

Ubanese Nwanganga

ubanganga@yahoo.co.uk

 

The PDP claims to have instituted a rotation arrangement between the north and south to enable it capture and retain power at the centre. On the face of it, it is ingenious of the party to have realized that power ought to be shared between the component parts of Nigeria so that the nation will survive. If Nigeria is dismembered today, land in Abuja, for instance, will go for what obtains in most other cities in the country except Lagos, Port Harcourt and Warri. My quarrel with the party’s rotational arrangement is that it did not take into account the fact that the north had monopolized power in Nigeria since the end of the civil war. A northerner is a northerner, in uniform or agbada. To argue that the period of military rule did not count as far as the control of the resources of the country was concerned showed that our brothers from the north were being insincere. It is like arguing that the apartheid years in South Africa did not count; white people never ruled the country. Secondly, rotation between north and south is inappropriate. The right thing is rotation on the basis of the six geo-political zones. In spite of having produced Murtala Mohammed, Shehu Shagari, Muhammadu Buhari, Sani Abacha and Umar Musa Yar’ Adua, the northwest has shamelessly been parading men like Buhari and Aliyu Gusau as contenders for the presidency. Because the party’s zoning arrangement was not well articulated, the field is crowded with arrogant aspirants who have no business contesting. Of the three zones that make up the north, only the northeast ought to aspire to lead Nigeria come 2011. In case we have forgotten, Yakubu Gowon, Ibrahim Babangida and Abdulsalami Abubakar are from north central. If we have to be fair to one another, the northwest and the north central should please keep quiet over 2011 general elections. Nigeria belongs to all of us. It is not the sole property of the Muslims of the two zones. Interestingly, Ilorin’s royal house of Saud wants to produce the president, governor of Kwara state, a senator and a member of the House of Representatives, all at once! And our experience since Abacha shows that this is not impossible.

 

Nkem Owoh, alias Osuofiah, once sang that “agreement na agreement”. Yes, agreement is agreement. PDP has a zoning arrangement, which was accepted by members of the party from both north and south. Unfortunately, like every political game in Nigeria, the Muslim north succeeded in intimidating the south and the Christians of the north and came up with such an agreement, which was decidedly against the latter’s interest. This notwithstanding, it is an agreement, which is binding on all the parties to it. Those who signed with their eyes closed should blame themselves. Therefore, after Obasanjo’s eight years in office, the presidency was, by the zoning formula, to return to the north. That was why despite the pretences of ex-governors Peter Odili, Donald Duke, Attah, Sam Egwu, Achike Udenwa and Chimaraoke Nnamani power returned to the Muslim north on May 29, 2007: Obasanjo was succeeded by Yar’ Adua. Unfortunately, Yar’ Adua died in office without completing the first term. Yar’ Adua (or should I say Obasanjo?) had chosen Goodluck Jonathan as his running mate during the electioneering campaigns, who subsequently became his vice president in office. Anxious Muslim northerners who were not prepared to concede power to the south were very uncomfortable with the choice of Yar’ Adua whose health challenges were well known, as their candidate to benefit from the rotational arrangement. So, when President Yar’ Adua began to make unscheduled medical trips abroad, there was disquiet in the caliphate. It became clear to northern politicians that Obasanjo had offered them a Greek gift. They suddenly realized that they should have done everything possible to stop the emergence of Yar’ Adua’s presidency. But it was too late to wish that General Sani Abacha was never born a Nigerian! The horse had galloped away. In their usual arrogance, they refused to accept the reality that the Nigerian constitution provided for the vice president, no matter who he/she was, to succeed the president in the event of death, permanent incapacitation or impeachment. Instead of negotiating a deal with the then vice president, they chose to rewrite the constitution in their fantasies. Their refrain became “no power shift to the south before 2015”. Some of their errand boys such as rascally politician Godwin Dabo Adzuana, even suggested that Yar’ Adua’s wife, Turai should succeed the ailing president, if, as expected, he died. Nigeria was thoroughly disgraced before the international community.

Meanwhile, Goodluck Jonathan played cool and watched events as they unfolded. His claim to the throne was incontestable. Unless he was physically eliminated, he knew he was the next president of Nigeria; it was only a matter of time. At no point did he display any emotions. His handlers understood the mentality of those who were ‘born to rule’. Fortunately, wise council prevailed. Arrogance and fantasy gave way to hard reality and Jonathan ascended to the throne after the death of the former president. But in allowing that, the Muslim north was unequivocal on the return of power to it come 2011, in accordance with PDP zoning arrangement. This is now our national nightmare.

President Jonathan had a number of options: serve out the remaining mandate and leave Aso Rock on May 29, 2011; serve as vice president in 2011; or call the bluff of the Muslim northwest and contest in 2011. The north preferred either of the first two options. However, the president began extensive consultations among political associates, friends, kinsmen and international interests. One would expect that going by Abdulsalami Abubakar formula, President Jonathan would have accepted option one and bid Aso Rock bye-bye in May next year. By Abubakar’s formula, we mean you can in less than one year loot the national treasury dry while pretending to be a nice guy. Unfortunately, the situations that threw up the two men were markedly different. In the first place, the youths of the Niger Delta (mainly Ijaw Youths who are Jonathan’s kinsmen) had embarked on violent campaigns including kidnapping oil workers in the Niger Delta, to regain control of their God-given resources, which had been declared our national wealth by the combined conspiracy of the north and Yoruba land. Northern leaders had plundered the Niger Delta like an occupying power. The Yoruba nation played its card very smartly.

President Jonathan chose to contest. As expected, he enjoys large support as well as considerable opposition. He jumped into the fray for a number of reasons. One is the pressure from the Niger Delta, especial his Ijaw kinsmen. Understandably, the Niger Delta has not had such an opportunity since independence. The highest offices-in terms of prestige and influence-in Nigerian public service occupied by indigenes of the oil producing areas of the Niger Delta before President Jonathan are the Chiefs of Army Staff and Defense Staff, held at various times by Generals Alex Ogumudia and Andrew Owoeye Azazi. The people of the area have been agitating for a fair share of their resources being used to service the entire nation. They believed, erroneously, that their inability to secure control of their resources was because they had been denied access to the highest office in the land. I say erroneously because after Jonathan’s two terms of office the issue of resource control may not be resolved in their favour. It is constitutional. The president cannot change the constitution by fiat. And those who benefited from military rule in the past and who enjoy comfortable majority in the House of Representatives would not accept fiscal federalism, no matter from where the president may come.

Two is the allure of office. It is very tempting. Goodluck Jonathan has had the good luck of being propelled from the classroom to the palace. Man is a political animal. The question of being humble does not arise here. He received another man’s mandate. Now he wants his own, to mould Nigeria in his own vision. Whether or not he will deliver Nigeria from the clutches of ineptitude is beside the point. In any case, the taste of the pudding is in the eating. There is no way we could know his actual competence unless he is fully in charge of his own government. Understandably, he cannot take tough decisions in his current outing.

Three is that if the situation were to be reversed, that is, a president from the south died midway into his first term of office and his vice, a Muslim northerner takes over from him, there would be no question as to whether or not he would seek his own mandate. So, if this is settled for a Muslim northerner, why not a Christian southerner?

Of course, there is the additional reason that if Jonathan is stopped from contesting because of the PDP arrangement, the Niger Delta would become more volatile. In fact, it would boil. The peace accord or amnesty, which President Yar’ Adua signed with the militants would come to an end. The Niger Delta is the fat cow that gives the milk of life to Nigeria including the Muslim north. It is in everybody’s interest that the cow is alive and healthy. This is where the question of sacrifice comes in. I think the Muslim north should make this great sacrifice so that Nigeria go survive. This is no blackmail. We want a Nigeria that will be the pride of not only Nigerians but a worthy leader of Africa. That Nigeria cannot be built on injustice. Nor can we erect a befitting edifice on hardening of positions. President Jonathan will not emasculate the north in office. He has not done so now even though he inherited much of the structures of his current administration from his former boss.

The post civil war arrogant chest beating triumphalism, which was evident until 1999 should be consigned to the dustbin of our national history. Although we were made to believe that the civil war was fought to keep Nigeria one and consequently all Nigerians won the war, the truth remained that the Muslim north saw the war as their triumph over Ndiigbo and the imposition of their authority and the Koran over the rest of us. This was evident in needless arrogance in the civil service, the armed forces, the paramilitary, indeed in every aspect of our national life. A Muslim northerner was untouchable. He could not be punished if he ran afoul of the law.  He raked in privileges upon privileges. He determined the formula for sharing national revenue generated in another man’s backyard. He created states, local governments and house of reps seats as it pleased him. Performance of the hajj by Muslims became a national affair. National institutions with easy money such as customs and excise, immigration and prisons became his preserve. Let us end all this in the interest of a better Nigeria. Let us end arrogance. Let us end impunity. They have ruined our collective march to greatness. Treasury looters should not be shielded by prominent people from their religion or ethnic group. An unusual situation demands an unusual response. Nigeria is at the crossroads. Allowing Jonathan contest and probably be elected for the next four years may save us unnecessary headaches.                  

The endorsement of President Jonathan’s ambition by the umbrella Igbo cultural organization, Ohaneze Ndiigbo, has generated intense discussions among Ndiigbo, who appear divided on who should lead Nigeria in 2011. Accordingly, a number of political tendencies have emerged to advance the cause of Ndiigbo. Prominent among them is the Ekwueme/Nnamani-led tendency. This group is allying with former military president, Ibrahim Babangida. Their vision is to capture power for Ndiigbo in 2015. They hope to achieve the feat by supporting IBB to win power in 2011 for only four years. IBB has declared that the civil war of 1967-70 would not be deemed to have actually ended until an Igbo man was elected to the office of the president in 2015! Whoa!!   

The Ohaneze group, led by its President-General, Ambassador Ralph Uwechue, has pitched its tent with President Jonathan. Their vision, for now, is to promote a better Nigeria that is founded on justice and fairness. They are rooting for a Nigeria that will wake up from being potentially great to being actually great. They are yet to make public whatever their support will fetch Ndiigbo in return. But a better Nigeria founded on justice and fairness is all that Ndiigbo are asking for. They are not asking for special treatment because they can compete favourably with any nationality in the country. Former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar has his supporters. So also has General Buhari. However, Orji Uzor Kalu’s tendency appears very interesting. The former Abia state governor is bitter against Ohaneze Ndiigbo for declaring support for Jonathan. He is also not happy with any Igbo group which does not support having a Nigerian president of Igbo extraction come next year. That president is of course no other person than Orji himself. Orji is an interesting person. I admire his courage to speak out to defend Igbo interests, whenever necessary. But he lacks depths. He is not made of a Mandela. He is fired by personal interests. Some months back, it was reported that Orji had returned to the PDP, the camp that he had dumped to form the PPA in 2006. A few months later Orji was back to PPA when it became obvious that he could not pursue his ambition on that platform. He has a case with the EFCC. He ran Abia state with his mother Eunice like a personal estate from 1999-2007, when he was the state’s governor.

The messiah Ndiigbo need may not necessarily be an Igbo man or woman. Ndiigbo need a level playing field to release their God-given energy for a better Igbo land. The suffocating Nigerian environment has created in us extreme individualism, which has found expressions negatively. The homeland of our dream cannot be created by our effort. The Nigeria of today would ensure that it does not happen. But it could happen without it being intended. Let us not partner with anybody who participated actively in making us irrelevant because of the civil war.

Ijaw people, President Jonathan’s kith and kin, have never been our friends. This is understandable. We did not support their self determination in the past and in return they turned their back against us in our hour need. Therefore, there is the temptation among Igbo leaders to deny Jonathan Igbo support. This is unnecessary. The sword should not devour forever. The cycle of hatred and animosity and distrust should break. Now is the right time.  

IBB as “Ogugua Ndiigbo” is a misnomer. From the fall of Ukiwe to the creation of states he did not console Ndiigbo. Being married to an Igbo daughter was not a favour. He has four lovely children from that marriage who have Igbo blood flowing in their veins but who are not Ndiigbo. If we had “Ogugua Ndiigbo” in power, Asaba should have been the capital of Anioma state and not Delta state, which Urhobo leaders have ensured that it remains a glorified village. IBB’s fronts and cronies while in office cut across the entire country-Ndiigbo did not receive special attention from him.

IBB has remained arrogant, defiant and unapologetic about the unnecessary pains he inflicted on Nigeria via the June 12 crisis. In an interview with MO Audu before the demise of his wife, IBB claimed that June 12 was annulled because Abiola’s government would have been toppled within months of its inception.  Unfortunately, Ms. Audu mistakenly saw the interview as a privilege, instead of a duty to Nigerians and refused to ask the man critical questions. For instance, why should IBB think that his coup would be the last in Nigeria? Was it in his power to decree it? If he really wanted his coup to be the last, why did he not retire all the ambitious army officers (politicians in uniform), especially Sani Abacha, David Mark, etc, when he was stepping aside in August 1993? Some of our journalists are not really journalists. Anyway, MO went to solicit funds for her NGO. She said as much toward the end of dressing IBB for our viewing in the name of interviewing him. IBB knew that Abacha would topple any government, even if it was led by his son, Mohammed Abacha, just to satisfy his animal craving for power. IBB has nothing to offer Nigerians in general and Ndiigbo in particular. I am surprised that well respected Igbo leaders like Ekwueme and Nnamani could fall for IBB’s evil genius. He misled Ekwueme to declare his candidature for PDP ticket from Minna in 2003. A political nylon weight like Max Gbanite could join any political camp: it does not represent any loss to Ndiigbo.

Atiku Abubakar has a legitimate right to aspire to the office of the president in 2011. He is a former vice president. Had it not been for Obasanjo’s bad belle, Atiku would have been president in 2007 and the current national political crisis would not have arisen; for in all likelihood, he would not have died in office. Thus, Obasanjo created for Nigeria something akin to IBB’s June 12: an unnecessary, needless crisis that Nigeria and Nigerians would have loved not to witness. Unfortunately, after surviving the June 12 crisis, exacerbated by Abacha’s draconian rule, Obasanjo selfishly chose to inflict on us the current political crisis. It is difficult to understand his motive for disgracing Atiku. After the faceoff between them before the elections of 2003 during which Atiku was said to have mobilized the governors to deny Obasanjo a second term, Atiku did back down and conceded power to him. Obasanjo had got what he wanted-a second term. He turned his back to God and the Nigerian leader in him began to manifest. All the evils of his tenure were committed during the second term. And these took place despite Atiku’s presence. Yet, Atiku was an enemy that had to be cut to size.  Awo’s unforgiving spirit did not die with him.

Notwithstanding, Atiku has everything to lose if Nigeria is destabilized. His enormous investments in oil, properties, ladies, etc, are all over the country. He needs the peace to enjoy the reward of his ‘foresight’. And being a Muslim, he ought to understand that unless Allah wills a thing, it does not come to pass. It seems, to me, that he is not destined to rule Nigeria. Atiku and Goodluck do not mean the same thing.

Let our Muslim brothers negotiate with Jonathan. Let the Christians of the north negotiate with him. Let the Yoruba negotiate with him too. It is all in our collective interest.

Let Ndiigbo be realistic about their aspirations. 2015, in my view, does not appear realistic. Obasanjo made it so. By choosing Jonathan as vice presidential candidate in 2007, he denied us 2015. If President Yar’ Adua had not died, it would not changed anything. Let us support Jonathan. In doing so, our leaders should not negotiate with their eyes set on oil contracts and political offices.

God bless Nigeria.

Ubanese Nwanganga

Saturday, November 20, 2010


 

[1] I had concluded this essay when news filtered that Adamu Ciroma and his fellow travellers had chosen Atiku Abubakar as the consensus candidate of the Muslim north.  Thank God for their choice. Like IBB, Atiku is a bad product to sell.  Jonathan will meet him on the grounds of Eagle Square in January 2011.