Dialogue On a Sovereign National Conference
By
Leonard Karshima Shilgba, PhD
shilgba@yahoo.com
Sequel to my article, “Nigeria: Deaf Rulers Behind the
Curtain” I received messages from some readers; some of them requested for
my article, “A Manual for a Sovereign National Conference”, which I
referred to in the article. An internet search of the title will fetch the
article for the reader’s use. I have decided to provide a dialogue on this
inevitable subject—a sovereign national conference for all of Nigeria’s
nationalities; it is inevitable because without such a conference, I see
no future for Nigeria. And this disturbs me without end, not least because
of my children:
Preamble:
Thought-provoking questions are needed to chart a clear way forward. My
attempt is to provoke such questions, and it is an attempt to move from
the theoretical to the practical in our quest to re-structure both
geographically and fiscally our union. Accordingly, mine is simply "a
manual" and definitely, not "the manual" for a sovereign national
conference. Let me provide my ideas, just ideas, and hope they shall
approximate answers to questions that may arise in your mind, my
compatriots.
Very early in the year (2011), I was invited to give a talk
at Akure on the 2011 elections. I understood then what other nationalities
in
Nigeria, especially the Lower Niger Federation (The Igbos
and the south-south peoples) and the Yorubas were doing. Those groups
already have their draft constitutions, and what one may call informal
armies. We do not build a house from up downward; we build from the
ground. It is my considered belief that a constitution that would
guarantee genuine growth and unhindered progress for Nigeria is that which
grows out of draft constitutions of the various nationalities, which are
derogatorily called Tribes. Now to your questions:
Question (Q): Prof. Shilgba, I have gone through your
proposals and believe your group is doing some great deal of thinking, but
whether your thoughts are being adequately communicated to the public to
really make the man on the street appreciate your message is a different
thing. I don't imagine that the new
Nigeria of your dreams is conceived to be an elitist
society whose principles are only discernible to intellectuals and civil
rights activists. For a layman like me, several questions beg for answers:
• If no constitutional draft committees would be set up by
the central government, as you proposed in your thesis, “A manual for a
Sovereign national Conference”, who would take the responsibility of
drafting the constitutions in each Nationality?
Answer (A): Certainly, not the federal government;
certainly, not the state governments. Each ethnic nationality has leaders
of thought. Those will take the responsibility of convoking meetings where
discussions leading to emergence of draft constitutions shall be held. In
Tiv nation, for instance, we have "traditional" leadership—Tor
kpande,Ortaregh, Tyoor, Ter, and Tor Tiv, in that sequence,
upwards. We have opinion groups such as Mzough U Tiv, Tiv net,
MUTA, MUTUK, Tiv associations in various towns and cities in
Nigeria, etc. If with all these, we still require
politicians in Abuja or Makurdi to lead the process, we are of all men
most miserable, and do not deserve to be called a nation. That is why I
suggest that the process should be left entirely to those nation groups in
Nigeria. Then, we shall know which deserve to be called nations. And no
ethnic nationality will have any excuses to cry, "marginalization"
thereafter. Need I say that the Ohanenze Igbo, OPC, MEND, etc., are groups
that have gained great relevance in Nigeria today? Where are the Tivs,
Ibirom, Idomas, Igedes, Jukuns, etc? Aha, do we belong to Arewa? We had
better think deeply.
Q: An excerpt
from your thesis is “...a sovereign national conference shall hold at
Abuja, of all nationalities in Nigeria, who shall select their delegates
in a process completely decided by them, and attend the conference at
their cost, with no funding from the central government.”
• Who will select these delegates?
A: Refer to above
Q: How shall the cost of attendance be sourced? Would you
tax the people? Or will the selected delegates sponsor themselves to the
conference?
A: We shall know which ethnic nationalities deserve to be
called nations in
Nigeria. If the peoples of those nation groups think they
are mature enough to govern themselves then they must be able to fund such
a venture, where there will be no easy money to embezzle or to attract
people with no passion or ideas that drive societies. If they decide to
tax themselves, so be it. Let us do the talk, and not simply talk it. If,
for instance, a nation group of 2 million adults from 18 years and above
imposes a tax of N 100 per adult, it would raise N 200 million. And there
are members of each nation group in Nigeria that shall give far more than
that.
Q: What guarantee would be in place to ensure that only
true representatives of the people are selected as delegates, and what
provisions would be there to address complaints from aggrieved parties,
who may have cause to believe their rightful delegates were not selected
or their people are disenfranchised in the selection process?
A: Since the whole venture shall be self-funding, and
delegates must certainly make sacrifices, not the least being financial,
there shall be minimal problems in this regard. Fights among Nigerian
politicians happen because there is a big pie (or is it national cake?) to
be shared. Delegates shall be those who have distinguished themselves in
ideas that will be needed to fashion draft constitutions. Grievances, if
any, shall be thereby easily settled. If you observed, I did not set any
limits on number of delegates. The purse and passion shall determine the
number of delegates for each nation group. Mark this; there shall be no
government money to spend.
Q: What buffer would be put in place to exclude the current
crop of political representatives bearing in mind that it is their very
influence and policies that we are running away from? And would such
exclusion not constitute a violation of their fundamental human rights,
being bonafide members of their constituencies?
A: Nobody with ideas that a nation group needs should be
excluded. Where there is no free money to appropriate, base passions will
be stifled. Easy access to cheap money, without accountability, is a
veritable purveyor of corrupting tendencies that are usually latent in the
holiest of men. In each of us lies "lust". Only a few commit to
sacrificial volunteerism.
Q: What shall constitute a Nationality? Is the grouping
going to be by tribe or geographical proximity? For example, when you say
Middle-Belt, what does that really mean? What really connects the Tiv man
in Gbajimba to the Gwari man in Paiko, but not the Utanga man in Obudu?
A: I think I have answered this question in above. "Tribe"
is a derogatory term for ethnic nationalities. They know themselves and
their affinities are unmistaken.
Q: Based on the answer to above, how many of such
nationalities have you identified nationwide?
A: The answer is clear, and I don't need to identify them;
they know themselves, at least by the languages commonly spoken among
them, with dialects, which are the most important aspect of culture.
Besides, by their commonly shared interests they aggregate. Accordingly,
the Niger Delta peoples and the Igbos have federated under the "Lower
Niger" umbrella, although the Ijaws, Itsekiris, etc., may have their
differences, such are not strong enough as their perceived differences
with the complements outside their contiguous domains.
Q: Suppose there is an equal or even more number of people
in a nationality that do not support the SNC (by virtue of their belief in
the existing structure), as those in support, what happens? Would those in
support still go ahead and participate in the SNC and on behalf of the
whole nationality? If not, what becomes of that nationality in the
envisaged federal structure?
A: The concept of a sovereign national conference is
defeated if there is already a firm position that every nationality must
accept. Nobody shall be excluded. Like I said in my article, the final
decision at the sovereign national conference, where there shall be
rigorous debates based on the draft constitutions of the various
nationalities, shall yet be subjected to a national referendum to be
organized and supervised by the United Nations, in the same fashion the
people of Southern Sudan voted recently on their separate nationhood. The
United Nation recognizes the rights of indigenous peoples to
self-determination; this emboldens us in our quest. We the peoples of
Nigeria must decide if and on what terms we shall live
together under the same flag.
Q: Overall it would appear that the administrative
framework and feasibility of this proposal is still very hazy and your
team apparently has a very long way to go.
A: Yes, "our"
team may have a long way to go if majority of Nigerians fail to see what
we see. But through exchanges like this, articles like mine, and TV
appearances such as my colleague Tony Nnadi has featured in on Silver Bird
TV, the necessary quantum of opinion shall form a bulwark for the idea.
"Write the vision and make it plain, that he may run that reads it." If
you, the enlightened Nigerian, can help formulate this dialogue for the
general public, and spread the word, it would help.
Finally, we should all own this idea—to have a better union
for our children, where federating units compete, labor, and pay taxes to
the central government; where true fiscal federalism prevails, and the
social contract enshrined in the second chapter of the 1999 constitution
holds rather than the current situation where it is at the same time
nullified and vitiated by section 6 (6) (c) of the same constitution. It
is not my team; it should be our team; our team of people passionate to
overthrow an unjust order; our team, daring to speak for those who cannot
speak for themselves; our team, crying out in the desert, Prepare the way
of the Lord! Let me ventilate our anger against the fraud called the 1999
constitution.
Although
chapter 2 of the 1999 constitution, called Fundamental Objectives and
Directive Principles of State policy, eloquently sets out the social
contract, which should regulate the conduct of public officials, section 6
(6) states as follows:
The
judicial powers vested in accordance with the foregoing provisions of this
section—
c) shall not, except as otherwise
provided by this constitution, extend to any issue or question as to
whether any act or omission by any authority or person or as to whether
any law or any judicial decision is in conformity with the Fundamental
Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy set out in Chapter II
of this constitution;
d) shall not, as from
the date when this section comes into force, extend to any action or
proceedings relating to any existing law made on or after 15th January,
1966 for determining any issue or question as to the competence of any
authority or person to make any such law.
What a fraud! Could Nigerians, who know this fact, accept
that their public officials owe them nothing? If section 14 in Chapter II
says that sovereignty belongs to the people, and that the business of
governance is the security and welfare of state, and yet section 6 (6) (c)
knocks off the power of inquiry into this, should the people hold their
peace? Section 6 (6) (d) effectively shields those who have hijacked our
nationhood since 1966. For me, the struggle to reverse this shall remain
mine until change is effected. We welcome like-minded people aboard.
Leonard Karshima Shilgba is an Associate Professor of
Mathematics with the American University of Nigeria and President of the
Nigeria Rally Movement (www.nigeriarally.org
). Leonard Shilgba is also the Coordinator of the Middle Belt Federation
under the Middle Belt Coalition agenda.
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